by Aci'lHsiy I'1To
Mr. A. M. Hocart,
Archaeological Commissioner, Ceylon, in sincere gratitude.INTRODUCTION
Recent years have brought us two comprehensive works on the chronology of Ceylon: 1) JOHN M. SENAVERATNE, "The Date of Buddha's Death and Ceylon Chronology", JRAS. C. B. XXIII, No. 67 (1914), p. 141 ff. and 2) DMDZ. WICKREMASINGHE, uCeylonese Chronology", as Introduction to vol. Ill of his Epigraphia Zeylanica.
Still earlier investigations dealing with a longer period are:
3) SYLVAIN LEVI, "Les Missions de Wang Hiuen Ts'e dans Flnde" in JAs. 1900, p. 297 ff., 401 ff., translated by JOHN M. SENA-VERATNE, JRAS. C. B. XXIV, No. 68 (1915?16), p. 75 ff. (with "Notes" by the Translator p. 106 ff. and 4) E. HULTZSOH, "Contributions to Singhalese Chronology", JRAS. 1913, p. 517 ff.)1
I mention further 5) H. W. CODEINGTON, "A Short History of Ceylon" where on p. xin there is a "Note on the Chronology of Ceylon" which deserves attention.
The numerous single investigations particularly those in the JRAS. C. B. will be quoted in their place. Their authors are: P. E. PIERIS, E. W. PERERA, S. BE SILVA, B. GUNASEKARA, H. C. P. BELL, E. R. AYRTON, H. W. CODEINGTON etc.
The two first named articles (S. and WICKR.) start as I did myself in the translation of the Mahavamsa from FLEET'S date of 483 B. C. for the Nirvana of Buddha. Even if this date is not absolutely exact ? arguments are advanced for the year 487 B. C. ? it is as well to retain it for the moment. Now WICKREMASINGHE, EZ, I, p. 155 ff., has proved that even in
1 I quote the above articles as follows: 1) = S., 2) ? WICKR., 3) = L.f
4) = H. with the page number (in the case of 3 that of the English translation).
A-13 II 8^-
Ceylon itself there are traces of an era starting from 483 B. C. whereas later, almost certainly in the 7th century, 544/3 B.C. was adopted as the year of the Nirvana. Thus the most important thing is to find out the point in the chronology of Ceylon where the transition from the one era to the other takes place, where consequently we find an. excess of 61 years.
SENAVERATNE (p. 143)1 goes farthest in his assumption that the era of B. C. 483 was in use up to the close of the 15th century when a reform of the calendar took place, 544 B. C., being adopted as the year of Buddha's death, 93 instead of 61 years being erroneously added. At the same time the Saka era (78/9 A. D.) was dated back 93 years. Later, about the 18th century, with a new reform of the calendar, the Buddha era was adjusted to the difference of 61 years. S. gets rid of the surplus number by the assumption that several of the kings' names handed down by tradition for the 15th and 16th centuries refer to the same person, that others are the names of co-regents, while many are mere inventions. Parakkamabahu VI. is identical with Parakkamabahu IX., Bhuvaneka-bahu VI. with Bh. VIL, while Parakkamabahu VIL and VIII. never existed (p. 176?177).
SENAVERATNE defends his thesis with great acumen and extraordinary learning. But against it there is a series of synchronisms by which we can prove that the era 544/3 must be much older than S. assumes. Moreover the simultaneous alteration of the Saka era is very unlikely. For this and other reasons SENAVEKATNE'S hypothesis was rejected during the discussion following his lecture on the subject. In spite of all the weakness and untrustworthiness of Sinhalese chronology, WICKBEMASINGHE is nevertheless right in taking up a more conservative attitude towards its tradition.
One cause of great uncertainty also lies in the fact that in our calculations we have to rely for the most part on the
1 See also the detailed analysis of SEXAVERATNB'S hypothesis by G. ScucRHAMKEE in "Ceylon zur Zeit des Kdnigs Bhuvaneka Bahu mid Franz Xavers 1539?1552" by C. ScutumAMMKE and E. A. VURKTZWH L
11928), p. G7 £~£3 HI E^-
figures for the reigns of the individual kings. Here we cannot rule out the possibility that many of these reigns were at least partly contemporaneous, that it is a case of simultaneous or of joint reigns. But the means for establishing this in individual cases are wanting. We have of course to do also with round numbers. When it is e. g. said that such and such a king reigned 12 years, possibly a few extra months have been thrown in. The sum total of such additions produces however, considerable inexactitude.
The main point however, is that our sources often differ more or or less in their statements regarding the length of the various reigns, that for many of the kings in the Cula-vamsa and other documents figures are wanting altogether or can only be obtained approximately by calculation.
Matters are better, at least in my opinion, with the single dates for certain of the more important events, especially those starting with Buddha's Nirvana. I do not deny that some of these dates may have been got at by the authors by the simple process of adding up the years of the reigns. Nevertheless I have the impression that there was a limited number of dates which rested on ancient tradition and had as their starting-point the year of Buddha's death1. There are already traces of something like a Buddha era in the Dipavaipsa and the Mahavamsa, as for instance, when it is said in Dip. 17. 78, that Devanampiyatissa was crowned 236 years after Buddha's entry into Nirvana. Or again when in both chronicles (Dip. 6. 1, Mhvs. 5. 21) there is the remark that 218 years had elapsed between the Nirvana and the coronation of Asoka.
It is possible that in later times a chronological system was constructed out of these individual dates to which the reigns of the kings were adjusted, not of course without some violence. Then a new confusion arose when at a certain time
1 I regard also the statement in Mhvs. 53. 80 f., that the Abhayagiri-
vihara was founded 217 years, 10 months and 10 days after the Maha-vihara as an ancient tradition, though, it rests on a different basis. A. figure so exact cannot be obtained by mere addition.
? .A*-8 IV £H.
through a misunderstanding the cause of which we do not know, the Nirvana of the Buddha was dated back 61 years. At some point or other in the list of the kings this numher must be allowed for. Then it is an open question ? granted an ancient tradition ? whether in converting these single dates into the Christian era we are to start from 483 B. C. or 544/3 B.C.
In the face of all this uncertainty it is advisable in our chronological investigations to rely chiefly on foreign testimony regarding the history of Ceylon. There are above all the synchronisms afforded by Chinese annals and South Indian inscriptions. Then we have the confirmatory evidence of Sinhalese inscriptions, especially those of the mediaeval and modern times. Subsidiary to these are the single dates. The skeleton framed by this "foreign testimony" is indeed meagre in the extreme and the evidence is unequally distributed. A good deal remains doubtful. The blame lies partly in the method of description of the Culavamsa which conceals so much that to us seems particularly important. What a pity, for instance, that it has nothing to say about the relations with China which would seem to have been not Inconsiderable. The name of China is not even once mentioned.
I come now to the fine and careful work of WICKBEMASINGHE. When I wrote the preface to Vol. I. of my translation of the Culavamsa in which I promised an introduction to the chronology for Vol. II., I had not then seen W.'s "Chronological Table of Ceylon Kings" (EZ. Ill, p. 1 ff.). Later I had doubts whether a treatment of the same subject by myself might not be superfluous. I think, however, that readers of my translation will be glad to have at hand a list of the kings with their more or less probable dates. They will also like to have a more or less comprehensive survey of the material on which our calculations rest.
One thing more. WICKE. makes no attempt at reconciling the two chronological computations of 483 B.C. and 544/3B.C. He is apparently convinced that this is at present impossible and wishes to avoid increasing the uncertainty by a new and-<3 V £>-
again uncertain chronology. In converting into the Christian era he starts as far No. 76 (Kumaradhatusena)1 from 483 B.C. Up to No. 94 (Dappula I.) he places the two computations side by side. From No. 95 (Dathopatissa I.) up to the inter--regnum after No. 124 (Mahinda V.) he places the figures of the first computation in brackets, thus treating them as less probable and from No. 125 (Kassapa = Vikkamabahu I.) he follows only the era of 544/3 B. C.
Here I venture a step further. I believe namely that the change of the era falls in the earliest period of the Culavamsa, that is at the close of the 4 th century A. D. Here accordingly is the period where we must allow for the excess of 61 years.
My theory stands and falls with the identity of Ts'a-li Mo-ho-nan of the Chinese annals (L. 83, 89) with King Maha-nama, No. 5 (63). Mo-ho-nan, so it is said, sent a letter, with gifts in the year 428 A. D. to the Chinese Court. This seems to contradict another notice from Chinese sources quoted by L. 75 according to which a king of Ceylon Chi-mi-kia-po-mo (that is Sri Meghavarman) sent an embassy to the Indian King San-meon-to-lo-kiu-to (that is Samudragupta) asking permission to build a monastery at Bodh Gaya as shelter for pilgrims from Ceylon. The Sinhalese king Sri Meghavarman is without doubt Sirimeghavanj.ia, No. 1 (59) the first ruler of the so-called Little Dynasty. Samudragupta reigned from 326 ? (about) 375 A. D. According to the traditional chronology the reign of Sirimeghavanna is reckoned from 362?389 A. D.
But the Culavamsa reckons 79?80 years from the death of Sirimeghavawa to Mahaoama's ascent of the throne which would thus occur at the earliest in 468 A. D. And in fact WICKR. 12 gives the date of 468-490 for Mahanama's reign. But how does this agree with the other notice giving the year 428 for Mahanama's embassy?2
1 This ? not Kumaradidhatusena ? is of course the right form of the name. The ddi is merely periphrastic, "the Dhatusena who begins with Kumara". See my Trans!., note to 41. 35, 44. 6.
2 I have pointed out the discrepancy Mhvs. Transl. p. XL, note 2WICKREMA.SINGHE tries to solve the difficulty by saying: "This (i. e. the embassy) may have taken place probably when Maha-nanaa was a priest wielding power in Upatissa's reign." This argument is refuted by the fact that Mo-ho-nan is distinctly described as a Ts'a-li, i. e. kshatriya, as king.
|i The solution of the problem must be sought elsewhere.
ij Both Chinese notices are right, but the numbers
:| given in the Sinhalese sources for the reigns of Siri-meghavanna up to Mahanama are wrong. Their sum
|: total is 129 to 130 years, but they have been expanded about 60 or 61 years in order to reconcile the old era of 483 B.C.
:?? with the new one of 544/3.
It is just here indeed that the traditional dates give the impression of artificial expansion. Buddhadasa and his two sons (Nos. 61-63) are given a reign of 92/3 years! According to the Rajavaliya they even reigned 142 years! These are fantastic figures. Possibly my theory may throw a new light on 37. 100. Suppose we assume that Sirirneghavanna's reign after 362 A. D. was considerably shorter, that perhaps a great part of the 27/8 years allotted to it falls within the period when he was reigning along with Mahasena or as his rival, we might perhaps follow the reading of the MSS. S. 5, 6, 7 bhdtd (not Widtu) tassa Jcanitthdko according to which we should translate: "his youngest brother, Jetthatissa, still a youth, hereupon raised the umbrella of dominion in Lanka." It is in any case only very reluctantly that I have decided to depart from the original text.
Be that as it may, if the Chinese notices and the hypothesis I have built on them are right, we must shorten the period between Mahasena's death and that of Mahanama by 60 to 61 years and this gives us for Mahanama's death the year 430 or 431 A. D. Mahanama, if we keep to the 22 years ascribed to him by tradition, would have reigned from 409 ?431A.D.
without seeking a solution. Of. also J. M. SENATERATXE, JRAS. 0. B..XXIY, 'Ho. 68 (1915-16), p. 113,-*3 "VII £|~
It is impossible to determine individually liow the reigns of Mahanama's predecessors were distributed. I pointed out above that we might already begin shortening these with Sirimeghavarnja. Upatissa with his 42 years may be discarded entirely, it seems to me, or at least but a very small portion of his reign be allowed to stand. He may be purely fictitious or perhaps a prince who reigned along with his father and either never came to the throne himself or if so, only for a short period. Here above all when the transition from the one era to the other had been effected, there set in those efforts to adjust the balance by manipulation of the figures.
There is one thing I should like finally to point out. If we go back for the change of the era to Sirimeghavan^a and his immediate successors there is an inherent probability in this. It coincides with the transition from the Maha-vainsa to the Culavanisa. That we have here a significant breach in the history of Ceylon, a powerful reaction in favour of the Theravada after a period of decline can scarcely be disputed.VIII
LIST OF SINHALESE KINGS
I have made my own list of the kings of the Culavamsa, but have added WICKREMASINGHE'S figures in brackets. Where former lists differ from my own this has also been indicated in brackets. Thus for instance, (166. Vijayabahu VI.) means that this king (Culavs. ed. II. 656 f.) is wanting in my list. ? Udaya I. (Dappula II.) means that the king whom I call Udaya I. appears elsewhere as Dappula II.
ABBREVIATIONS:
M. = Mahavamsa or from No. 59 onwards Culavamsa. Rv. = Rajavaliya (published and translated by B. GUNASEKAEA.) Pv. = Pujavaliya (A Contribution to the History of Ceylon,
extracted from the Pujavaliya, Colombo 1893). Ns. = Nikayasamgrahaya (ed. WICKBEMASINGHE). Rr, = Rajaratnakaraya (ed. SADDHANANDA, Colombo 1887). Nar. = Narendracaritavalokanapradipika as quoted by WICKRE-
MASINGHB.
Figures in italics denote that we have to do with fictitious numbers, whereas the others rest on more or less probable calculation. Figures in bold type are single traditional dates and chiefly those from non-Sinhalese sources or from inscriptions which serve to confirm the chronology of the Mahavamsa.
The figures in the last column refer to the notes following the list of the kings.-ra
Length of rei M. | Rv. gn Pv. Date 00 o
? 1. Mahavamsa
1. Vijaya 38 38 38 483 -445 B.C. 1
Interregnum 1 . 1 445-444
2. Panduvasudeva 30 32 30 444-4/4
3. Abhaya 20 22 20 414?394
Interregnum 17 \
4. Pandukabbaya 70 70 70 \304-307
(5. Ganatissa) . 40 ------- ... J
6. Mutasiva 60 ------ 60 ------ 60 ------- 307?247
7. Devanampiyatissa 40 ------ 40 ------- 40 ? ? 247?207 247 2
8. Uttiya 10 ? ? ? 10 ------ 207-197
9. Mahasiva 10 ------ ? 10 ------- 197?1*7
10. Suratissa1) 10 ------- 10 ------ 10 ------- 187?177
-1L Sena >22 22 - 09 12. Guttika |j j -- 177-155
13. Asela2) 10 ? ? 10 ------- | 10 ------ 155?145
14. Elara 44 ------- 44 ------- 44 ? ? 145-101
15. Duf-thagamam 24 ------- 24 ------ 24 ------- 101?77
16. Saddhatissa 18 ------ 37 ? ? 18 ------- 77?59
17. Thulathana ? 1 10 1 8 ? 1 ? 10 59
18. Lairjatissa 3) 9 _ 15 39 ------- 9 8 15 59-50
19. Khallatanaga 6 ------- ... 6 ? ? 50-43
20. Vattagamani ? 5 ------- 5 ? ? 5 ? 43 43
21. Pulahattha i
22. Bahiya
23. Panayamara 14 7 ? 14 ------ 3 7? 43-29
24. Pilayamara
25. Dathika
(20.) Vattagamani 12 ------- 12 ------ 12 ------- 29?17 3
26. Mahacullmahatissa 14 ? ? j 50 ------- 14 ------- 17?3
27. Coranaga 12 ------- ... 12 ------- 3 B. C. ? 9 A. D. 4
28. Tissa 3 ------- 3 ------- 3 ? ? . 9-12 A. D.
*) Rv. mentions two sons of Devanampiyatissa, 1) Snratissa, 2) Upatissa,
each of whom reigned 10 years. It then says that in the days of King Uttiya two usurpers seized the power and reigned 22 years.
2) As to the chronological difficulties regarding Asela see WICKE. p. 5, n. 1.
3) Rv. calls the successor of Tulna King LEniinitissa who had slain him and reigned 39 years. Then it passes on the Valagambahu. The Pv. also calls Tul's successor Lamiiriitis, Le M. Qgth of re Rv. ign Pv. Date en 29. Anula 4 3 _ 34- 52 ? 12?16 A. D.
30, Kutakarinatissa 22 ------ 22 ------ 22 ------ 16?38
31. Bhatikabhaya 28 ------- 18 ------ 18 ------ 38?66
32. Mabadatliikama-
hanaga 12 ------ 12 ------ 12 ------- 67?79
33. Amandagamani 9 8 ? 9 ------ 98 ? 79-89
84. Kanirajanutissa 3 ------ 3 ------ 89-92
35. Culabhaya i ___ __ . . 1 ------ 92-93
36. Sivall _ 4 ? . _ 4 ? 93
37. Ilanaga1) 9 ------ . 6 ------- 93?102
33. Candamukhasiva 87 ? . * 87? 103?112
39. Yasalalakatissa 78 ? , 7 8 ? 112-120
40. Subharaja 6 ----- g __ __ 120-126
41. Vasabha 44 ----- 44 _ ----- 44 ------ 127?171
42. Vankanasikatissa n __ __ 3 ------ 3 ------- 171-174
43. Gajabahugamam 22 ------ 24 ------ 2ttL ? - ? 174?196
44. Mahallanaga .6 ------- 6 ------- /» ^^ _____ 196-202
45. Bhatikatissa 24 ------- 24 ------- 24 ------- 203-227
46. Kanitthatissa 18 ------ . 18 ------ 227 -245
47. Khujjanaga2) 9 __ __ 2 ------ 246-248
48. Kuncanaga i __ __ 20 - ? 1 ------- 248?249
49. Sirinaga I. 19 ------- . . 19 ------ 249?268 |
50. Voharikatissa 22 ? __ 22 ------ ryn ____ 269-291
51. Abhayanaga ft 291-299
Q ~~" ? * ----
52. Sirinaga 11. ?2 - ------ 2 ____ O ___ -.- 300-302
53. Yijayakunmra 1 ------- Q ---------- I __ ^_ 302-303
54. Samghatissa 4 ------ 4 ------- 4 ------- 303?307
55. Sirisamghabodhi 2 __ __ ? __ __ 307?309
56. Gothabhaya 13 ------ 13 ------- 13 -- ----- 309?322
57, Jetthatissa I. 10 ------ 10 ------ 1 A 1U 323-333 !
58. Mahasena 27 ------- 24 ------ 27 - __ ? 334? 361 f 2 362 5
WICKREKASINOHE is I think, wrong when be says on p. 8 that I had overlooked the fact that Ilanaga was deposed in. the first year of his reign by the Lambakannas, I inserted the three years (Mhvs. 35. 27) dominion of the LambakagQas Mhvs. TransL p. xxxvn, last line, as "interregnum". When W. takes the round figure of 10 years for the interregnum + Iknaga's reign, I can only approve.
According to Rv. Bhatikatissa's successors 'were: 1) KtuJIna (20 years), 2} Veratissa (22 years), 3) Abasen (2 years). Then Sirina {= No. 62) reigned 2 years.XI S3-
Lei M. agth of reign Ev. | Pv. Date o J25
2. Cuiavamsa
1. (59.) Sirimeghavanna 28c ------- 28 ------- 28 ------- 1 6
2. (60.) Jetthatissa II. 3. (61.) Buddhadasa 9 - ? 29c ------- 10 ------- 80 ------- Q _______ r ,,..,., 29 ------- 1362-409 412 ) 7
4. (62.) Upatissa I. 42 ------- 42 ------- 42 -------
5. (63.) Mahanama 99 A 6. (64.) Sotthisena ----- 1 __ _ 1 __ __ i 431
7. (65.) Chattagahaka Ic ----- 1 ------- ?» __ ' __ 431-432
8. (66.) Mittasena 1 ___ __ 6 ------- i __ __ 432?433
9. (67.) Pandu1)
10. (68.) Parinda
11. (69.) Khuddaparinda ,27 ? ? ... 917 __ __ 433-460
12. (70.) Tiritara
18. (71.) Dathiya
14. (72.) PTthiya
15. (73.) Dhatusena2) 18 ------- 18 ------- 18 ------- 460-478
16. (74.) Kassapa I.2) 18c ------- 18 ------- lo 478-496
17. (75.) Moggallana L 18 c ------ 18 ------- 18 ------ - 496-513
18. (76) Kumaradhatusena ( 9c ------ 9 ? ? 9 ------- 513-522 515 9
19. (77.) Kittisena3) ? 9 ? 9 ------- ? 9 ? 522
20. (78.) Siva I. ? ? 25 25 ------- ------- 25 522
21. (79.) Upatissa II.4) 1 6 ? 1 10 ? 1 6 ? 522-524
22, (80.) Silakala 13c ------- 13 ------- 13 ------- 524?537 527 10,11
23. (81.) Dathapabhuti ? 66?6-" ? 6 ? 537
24. (82.) Moggallana II. 20c- ----- 20 ------- 20 ------- 537-556
25. (83.) Kittisirimegba ------- 19 19 ? ? ? 19 ------- 556
1) For Nos. 9?14 (67?72) Rv. has also 27 years.
2) Er. has the same number of years.
3) I do not think that WICKE. is right when he follows Ev. in giving 9 years instead of nine months to No. 19 (77). There are other instances of the Sinhalese sources giving years instead of the months or days of the Mhvs. (No. 20, 25, 36), people being accustomed to reckon by years. We have no example of the reverse. Moreover with regard to No. 19 (77) Pv. agrees with the Mhvs. It seems to me that it is only in cases where both Pv. and Ev. together are against the Mhvs. that weight attaches to their statements. WICKE/S reference to the reading vassairiki in S 5 is no help. It is so isolated in comparison with the other MSS. that it is clearly a mere slip of the scribe.
*) According to Nar, 2 y. 6m. Length of reign M. Rv. 1 Pv. _ .......... ? '...- ...................... ..... _. J ............... ........ _ ..... ... ...... - ....... _ . Date £» 0 ?4J O $25
26. (84 a) Mabanaga 3c ------ Q ___ __ 3 ------ 556 -559
? (84 b) Lamani Siiigana f\ ___ ___ 9 ------ 559-568
27. (85.) Aggabodhi I. 34C ------ . 30 ------- 34 ------ 568?601
28. (80.) Aggabodhi II. lOc ------ 10 ------- 10 ------ 601-611 609 12
29. (87.) Samghatissa . ___ ty ___ ? 2 ? 611
30. (88.) Moggallana III. 6 ------ 6 ------- 6 ------ 611- 617
31. (89.) Silameghavarisa q __ __ 9 ------ 9 ------ 617- G26
32. (90.) Aggabodhi III SSB. \ 16 ------ 16 -------
33. (91.) Jetfcbatissalll. L ? 5 ? ? 5 ?
Aggabodhi IV. jlCc ------ 626 - 641
34. (92.) Dathopatissa I. I 12 ------ 12 --------
35. (93.) Kassapa II, 9 ------- 0 __ __ c\ __ __ 641- 650
36. (94.) Dappula I.1) __ __ 7 10 ------ 3 3 ? 650
37. (05.) Datihopatissa II. 9c ------- A __ _ ___ 9 ------ 650-658 13
38. (96.) Aggabodhi IV. SSB. 16c ------ 16 ------ 16 ------ 658-674
39. (97.) Datta2) 2 ------ 10 ------ 2 _ __ 674-676
40. (98.) Hatthadatha ~ G ? ? 6 ? ? 6 ? 676
41. (99.) Manavamma . 35 ------ 35 ------ 676?711
42. (100.) Aggabodhi V. 6 ------ & __ , _ g . _ ^_ 711-717
43. (101.) Kassapa III. . 7 ------ n _ _ __ 717-724 718 14
44. (102.) Mahinda T. 0 __ __ 3 ------ Q ? ___ ___ 724-727
45 (i03.)AggabodbiVI.SMV. 40c ------ 40 ------ 40 ------ 1 727 -766 742/6 15
46. (101.) Aggabodhi VII. 766 - 772
6,T-? ? ? ?
47. (105.) MabindalLSMV. 20 ------ 20 ------ 20 ------ 772-702
48. (106.) Udaya I. 5 _ ? 5 ------ 5 ------ 792-797
(Dappula II.)
49. (107.) Mahinda III. SM V. 4 ------ 7 ------ A _ ____ _____ 797 - 801
50. (103.) Aggabodhi VIIL 11 ------ 11 ? ? 11 ------- 801-812
51. (109.) Dappula If. (III.) 16 ------ 19 __ lift ~~~~ ^^ 16 ------ 812-828
52. (110.) Aggabodhi IX. 3 ------ , 3 ------ 828?831
53. (111.) Sena I. SMV. 20 ------ 20 ------ 831?851
54. (112.) Sena II. 35e ? ? 35 ------ 35 ------ 851?885
55. (118.) Udaya II. (I.) 11 ? ? 40 ------- jn ------- 885?896
56. (114.) Kassapa IV, SSB. 17 ------ . . . !l7 ------ 896-913 16
57. (115.) KasaapaV. SMV. 10c? ? 6 ------ 0 ^ _ 913-923 918/9 17
58. (116.) Dappula HI. (IV.) 7 _ ? 7 __ __ 7 __ 923
59.017.) Dappola IV. (V.) 12c ------ - 12 - - 12 ? ? 923?934
SMY. ! 1 j
v) The Mhvs. does not count the three years* reign, in Kohai^a, 2) According to Nan No. 39 (97) reigned 2 j. 6 m.XIII
Lei M. igth of re] Rv. gn Pv. Date GQ O> -UJ o ft
60. (118.) Udaya III. (II.) 3c ------- 8 ------- 3 ? ? 934-937 ».
61. (119.) Sena III1) 9c ------- 9 ------- 9 ------- 937-945
62. (120.) Udaya 17. (III.) 8c ------- 3 ------- 8 ------- 945-953 948 18
63. (121.) Sena IV. 3 __ __ 3 ------- 3 __ __ 953?956
64. (122.) Mahinda IY. SSB. 16c ------- 12 ------- 16 ------- 956?972 960 19
65. (123.) Sena V. )0c ------- 10 ------- 10 ------- 972-981
66 (124) Mahinda Y. Interregnum 36c? ? 12 ------- X48 -------- 48 ------- 1017 981 -1029 20
67. (125.) Vikkamabahu I. 12c ? __ 12 ------- 12 ------- 1029-1041
0 (Kassapa)
68. (126.) Kitti __ __ rr . . 1041
69. (127.) Mahalanakitti 3c ------- 3 ------- 3 ------- 1041 ? 1044
70. (128.) Vikkamapandu 1 ------- 3 ------- 3 ------- 1044?1047 1046 21
71. (129.) Jagatipala j __ __ j __ __ 4 _ ___ 1047?1051
72.(130.)ParakkamapanduI 2 ------- 6 ------- 1 ------- 1051?1053
73 a. (131.) Loka (Lokissara) 6c ------- . . . 6 -------- 1053?1059
73 b. (132. Kassapa)2) __ {» __ ... i ... 1059
74. (133.) Yijayabahu I. SSB. 55 ------- 80 ------- 54 ------- 1059?1114 22
75. (134.) Jayabahu I. 3 ------- 13 ------- 1114?1116
76.( 135.) Yikkamabahu I I.(I-) 21 ------- 28 ------- 28 ------- 1116?1137
77. (136.) Gajabahu (II.)3) 22 ------- ...... 1137?1153
78. (137.) Parakkamabahu I. 33 ------- 32 ? ? 33 ------- 1153-1186 23
SSB.
79. (138.) Vijayabahu II. 1 ------- ... 1 ------- 1186-1187
80. (139.) Mahinda VI. ------- 5 - - 5 | ------- 5 1187
81. (140.) Nissankamalla 9 ------- 9 __ __ 19 _ __ 1187?1196
82. (141.) Vmtbahu I. ------- 1 i __ __ t 1196
83.(i42.) Vikkamabahu III. -3 ? ?3? i ? 3 ? 1196
(II.)
84. (143.) Codagaiiga ? 9 ? __ g __ ? 9 ? 1196-1197 | i
1) In Rajav. the sequence of ISTos. 59?66(117?124) is as follows: 1. Dapulu 12 y. (evidently = No. 59, Dappnla IV.), 2. Uda 8 y., 3. Sen 3 y.f 4. Uda 3 y,, 5. Sen 9 y., 6. Sen 3 y., 7, Midelsala 12 y.,' 8. Salamevan 10 y. (= No. 65), 9. Mihindu 48 y. (= Mahinda Y. No. 66). ? PSjaV. has
1. Dapulu 12 y.f 2. Uda 3 y., 3. Sen 9 y., 4. Uda 8 y., 5. Sen 9 y,, 6. Sen 3 y., 7. Midelsala 16 y., 8. Salanievan 10 y., 9. Mihindu 48 y.
2) Having regard to Mhvs. 57. 65 and 74, it is advisable to insert the Ke. .sadhatunayaka Kassapa as a distinct sovereign after Loka.
3) Rija>. and Pujav. tlo not mention Gajabahu at all as king. Ler M. igfch of reign Rv. ] Pv. Date 1197?1200 1200?1202 1200 1202?1208 1208?1209 1209 1209?1210 1210?1211 1211 1211 ? 1214 1214?1235 1232?1236 1236?1271 1236 1271?1273 1273-1284 1283 1284?1291 1291?1302 \13Q2~ 13&6 1346-1353 1850/1 1348-1360 135460 1347?1375 1360/1 1360?1391 1385 1391?1397 1396 1405?11 1410?1468 1468 ? 1473 1473?1480 1475 1480?1484 02 o 25 26 27 28 29 3D 31 32 33 34 S5
85, (144.) Lllavatl1) 86. (145.) Sahasamalla 87. (148.) Kalyanavati2) £S. (147.) Dhammasoka 89. (148.) Anikanga Lllavatl1} 90. (149.) Lokissara (If.) Lllavatl l) 91. (150.) Parakkamapandu II. 92. (151.) Magha 93. (152.) Vijayabahn III. 94.1153.) Parakkamabahu II. 95. 1154.) Vijayabahu IV. 96. (155.) Bhuvanekabahu I. 97. (156.) Parakkamababn III. 3 ------- 2 ------ 6 ------- 1 ------- ------- 17 1 ------- ? 9 ? __ 7 ? 3 ------- 21 ------- 4 ------- 35 ------- 2 ____ 3 ------- 9 ------- 6 ------- 6 ------- ------- 17 i __ _.,uin ? 5 ? ? 4 ? 3 --------- 19 --------- 32 ------- 3 ------- 2 __ __ 6 ------- ------- 17 ? 5 ? ? 7 -o __ __ 21 ------- 24 ------ 32 -------
98. < 157.) Bhn vanekabahu II. 3 99.U58.)ParakkamabaiauI\r,4) 100. (159.) Bhuvanekabahu III.
101. (160,1 Vijayabahu V. 102. (161.) Bhuvanekabahu IV.
1 03. (1 62.) Parakkamabahu V. . . .
104.a68.>VikkamabahuIV.(III.)| . . .
103. (164.} Bhuvanekabahu V. 106. (165.1 Virabahu II. 1166. Vijayabahu VI.) 1167. Parakkamabahn) 107. (168.) Parakkamabahu VI. SSB. 103, (169.) Jayubuhn 11. 11)9. (170J Bhuvanekabahu VI. HO. « 171.) ParakkaniabahuVIL ?20 - -
i
52 ------- 52 -------
J ____ , __ 7 ? ?
11M172.» Parakkamabahu VIIL (178. Parakkanaabahn IX.) . . . i 20 -------- 22 -------- i ? 1484?1518 1506?1528 :
rl The first time Lllavatl reigned along with Kitti, the second time with
VikkuutaramBnakka, finally alone. -t Along1 with Ayasmanta CamOpati. a» Reigned according to Rr. 24 years. According to Dakdasiriia (WICKR.)
No.^. 97 and 08 (156 and 157) reigned at times together. WICKR. reckons
the sum total of their reigns at 16 yean. !i \Vu-Kn. r^i'kons the beginning of the reign as 1803 A. D. Len M. gtb of reign Rv. | Pv. Date OQ o ~t^3 a &
112. (174.) VijayabahuVL(VIL) 113. (175.) BhuvanekabahuVIL 114. (175 d) Viravikkama1) 115. (175 b) Mayadhanu1) (176. Dharmapala) 116. (177.) Rajasiha I. 117. (178.) Vimaladhamma-suriya I. 118. (179.) Senaratana 119. (180.) Rajasiha II. 120. (181.) Vimaladhamma-suriya II. 121. (182.) Viraparakkama-narindasiha 122. (183.) Sirivijayarajaslha 123. (184.) Kittisirirajasiha 124. (185.) Sirlrajadliirajasiba 125. (186.) SirivikkanxaraiasTha . . . 18? ------ 21 ------- 45? ------ 70 ------- 1509-1521 1521-1550 1542 -? 1521-1581 1551-1597 1581?1593 1592-1604 1C04-1635 1635?1687 1687?1707 1707 - 1739 1739?1747 1747-1782 1780?1798 1798-1815 3G 37 38 39 40
7 ? ? 52 ------- 22 ------- 33 ------ 8 t ------- 35c ------ 18 ------- 18 ------- 1 O i£t r ~ 25 ------ . . .
In the middle of the 16 th century a number of princes reigned at the same time in different parts of the Island. The most eminent of these was Mayadhanu, the Mayadunne of Rv. The Virakkama of Mhvs. 92. 6 is probably identical with Kumar a Bandar a (Rv.). In addition to these Jayavira Bandara who wielded power in the Highlands and Rajasiha or Rayigarn Bandara are mentioned as contemporaries.
Residences
1. Mahavamsa: Nr. 1: Tambapanni. ? Nr. 2, 3: Upatissagama (10.52). ? Nr. 4?58: Anuradhapura.
2. Calavamsa: Nr. 1 (59)?15 (73); Anuradhapura. ? Nr. 16 (74): Sihagiri. ?
Nr. 17 (75)?66 (124): Anuradhapura [Pulatthinagara temporary residence of
Nr. 46 (104) and Nr. 53 (111); Pulatthinagara and Rohana of Nr. 65 (123)].
? Nr. 67 (125)?73 b (132): Rohana. ? Nr. 74 (1331?92 (151): Pulatthinagara.
? Nr. 93 (152): Jambuddoi.il. ? Nr. 94 (153): Jambuddoni (Pulatthinagara
88. 29 ff.). ? Nr. 95 (154): Pulatthinagara. ? Nr. 96 (155): Jambuddoni
(Subhagiri 90. 42). ? Nr. 97 (156): Pulatthinagara <90. 56). ? Nr. 98 (157)
? 101 (160): Hatthigiripura. ? Nr. 102 (161)-104 (163): Gangosiripura. ?
Nr. 105 (164)?US (175) Jaya\ad«Ihami. ? Nr. 114 (176
2. A seemingly ancient tradition makes Devanampiyatissa a contemporary1
of the Maurya king Asoka. There is no urgent reason for doubting
the fact. According to Dip. 17. 78, Devanampiyatissa was
consecrated as king2 236 years (that is in the ?37 th year) after the
Nirvana. This figure corresponds to the sum of the years which
according to Dip. and Mhvs. had elapsed since Vijaya. If we take the date
arrived at by FLEET for Buddha's death ? 483 B. C. we get the year 247/6
B. C. as Devananipiyatissa's * coronation year and the fact of his
being a contemporary of Asoka is confirmed.
3. According to Ns., p. 1014 Valagam Aba came to the throne 439 y. 9m. 10
d. after the Nirvana3. This gives us 4 3 B, C, This agrees with the
statement of Mv. 33. 80 f. as
1 For farther details of my transl. Mlivs., Introd. p. xxxi if.
* Also in Ns,t p. 2W. a Of. also EZ. ft. 205*to the foundation of the
Abhaya-vihara1. According to the statement in Mhvs. the foundation took
place 217 y. 10 m. 10 d. after that of the Mahavihara the date of which is,
according to FLEET, in May 246. Therefore th'e Abhayagiri-vihara was
founded in March 28 B. C., after Vattagamani had had regained the kingdom.
4. According to Rv. a famine called Mmlni-saya took place under
Coranaga and lasted three years. This is said to have coincided with the
beginning of the Saka era 78 A. D. = 622 A. B. The statement cannot be
reconciled with the other events of the chronology. It would
seem that the tradition about this famine was uncertain, for it is
placed by Pv. 193 in the reign of VattagamanL
5. For the end of the reign of Mali as en a and therewith of the so-called
Great Dynasty Rv. and Rr. agree in giving 844 y. (? Pv. 846) 9 ni. 25
d. after the Nirvana. Ns. 1410 reckons the beginning of the reign as
818 A. B., so that with a reign of 27 years the end would fall in 845 A. B.
This2 seems to me in fact one of those single dates which rest on a sure
traditional basis. This is also easy to understand. The
tradition was that of the Bhikkhus of the Mahavihara and for them
the death of Mahasena meant the end of a period of persecution and the
beginning of a new period of prosperity. In Mhvs. trsl. p. xxxvm I have
calculated the year of Mahasena's death as 352 A. D. The difference
between it and that of Wickr. and S. can be adjusted by assuming that the
round numbers of a reign usually include some extra months.
6. I refer the reader to the Chinese account mentioned on p. V which
makes Sirimeghavanna a contemporary of the Indian king Samudragupta
(326-375 A. D.).
7. Fa-Man comes to Ceylon 411-412 A.D. A tliera mentioned by him is
perhaps identical with the Mahadhammakathin named in Mhvs. 87. 175 (cf.
note to the passage) as living
1 See Mhvs. transl., p. xxxiv f.
2 Cf. also SKNAVERATNE, JRAS. G, B. xxin, No. 67 (1914), p. 216.
B-*3 XYIXE g^
under Buddhadasa (AYRTON, JRAS. 1911, p. 1142). Of course this thera may
have survived Buddhadasa, as the chronology seems to indicate.
8. For ifahanama's reign Chinese sources furnish us with an exact date A.
D. 428. See above p. V if. For the arrival of Buddhagbosa in the reign
of Mahanama tradition furnishes us with a date which assuming 544/3 as
the year of the Nirvana, yields 412/3 A. D.
9. For Kumaradhatusena^s (Kumardas) reign a Chinese notice mentioned by
TENNENT* will serve. It says: "In the year 515 on the occasion of
Kmnara Das raising the cbatta, an envoy was despatched with tribute to
China.1' Unfortunately TENNENT does not state whether the name of the
Sinhalese king is mentioned in the Chinese account. Possibly it is a
deduction of his own. At any rate according to rny own calculation,
the year 515 would fall in the beginning of the reign of Kumaradhatusena.
10. A further Chinese notice quoted by L. (see p. 91 f.) offers
difficulties. According to this, an embassy of the Sinhalese king
Kia-che Kia-lo-ha-li-ya brought tribute to the Chinese Court in the y.
537 A. D. As a rule Kia-che is the transcription of the name Kassapa.
But It is impossible that this could be Kassapa L since he reigned before
Kumaradhatusena (see note 9). S. LEVI has already pointed out that the
second name Kia-lo-ha-li-ya might refer to Silakala (Amba-herana
Salamevan). It should be noted too, that Silakala was the son-in-law of
Upatissa II. (HI.) and that according to Mhvs. 41. 8 ff., this king
had a son called Kassapa who was Siiakata's most dangerous rival. It might
therefore be assumed that the Chinese account had confused these two
persons or that the Sinhalese tradition had made out of one Kassapa
Silakala two individuals.
11. For Silakala we have one more single date handed down in the Ns. p.
1728: 1088 A. B. = 544/5 A. D. Accord-
1 Ceylon, 2 nd ed. I, p. 59G,-43 XIX £^-
ing to Wickr.. this date refers to the introduction of the Vetulla Canon
(dhammadhcltu)1 which according to Ns., Rr. and Mhvs., took place in the
twelfth year of the king's reign. This does not quite agree with our
chronology, for according to Ns. the beginning of Silakala's reign would
fall in 532/3 A. D. (instead of 524)2. If we might assume an error in the
tradition and read 1080 instead of 1088 A. B. there would be complete
agreement.
12. According to Mhvs. 42. 44 ff., the king of Kalinga came to Ceylon
in the reign of Aggabodhi II. and entered the Order under the guidance
of the Thera Jotipala. According to H. W. CODRINGTON (HC. p. 35, 51) this
king of Kalinga had been driven out by Pulakesin II. of the Calukya dynasty
who had seized the kingdom of Kalinga. This took place according to
JOUVEAU-DUBREUIL, 609 A. D. This year must therefore fall within the
reign of Aggabodhi II.
13. According to Mhvs. 47. 33ffM Manavamma tries in vain to wrest the
dominion over Ceylon from King Dathopafcissa II. He is helped in this by
his friend Narasiha at whose court in Jambudipa he had taken refuge.
According to H. p. 557, this is the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I.
who reigned 630-668 A. D. This enables us to fix an approximate
date for Dathopatisa II.
14. From Chinese sources (L.) we know that in the y. 718/9 a Chinese
pilgrim Vajrabodhi visited Ceylon and was received with honour by King
Chi-li Chi-lo. The name of the king as it is given here, may very well
be an abbreviation of Siri-Silatnegha(va93ja). L. suggests Manavamma, who
also had tbe biruda of Silamegha. AYRTON (Ceylon Notes and Queries
IF, Jan. 1914, p. xxvn ff.) quite rightly objects to this for chronological
reasons. But his own identification with Aggabodhi VI. also offers
difficulties with my calculation as well as with that of WICKR and S.
I suggest Kassapa III, No. 43(101).
1 See my transl. Culavs. I, note to 41. 37.
2 According to Rr. 1088 A. B. = 852 (sic!) after the introduction of
Buddha's doctrine, was the date for SHakilla's ascent of the throne,
. B*As we know, tlie biruda of Silamegha alternates with that of
Sirisamghabodhi. Since Kassapa III. was the second predecessor of Aggabodhi
VI. who was certainly called Silamegha (Mhvs. 48. 42), he is almost sure to
have had the same surname, though this may not be expressly stated. All we
know of him is that he was a very pious prince (Mhvs. 48. 20 ff.). 15.
There is no difficulty about the two embassies of King Chi-lo-mi-kia to the
Chinese Court in the years 742 and 746. That king was Aggabodhi VI.
Silamegha, No. 45 (103).
16. Inscriptions of the 1st and 16th years (according to my calculation
therefore 896, 912) of the reign of KassapaIV., No. 56 (114) in
WICKRBMASINGHB, EZ. II. 9 ff., I. 200 ff.; H. C. P. BELL, Anuradhapura, 7th
Progress Report 1891 (= S. P. xnr. 1896) p. 60.
17. According to Mhvs. 52. 70 ff., Kassapa V. undertakes with the Pauclyas
an expedition against the Colas. It is unsuccessful. There is evidently
an allusion to this (H. p. 525 f.) in the Udayendiram inscription of the
15th year of the Cola king Parantaka I. = 921/2. In it he boasts of his
victory over the Pantlyas and over an army come from Lanka. In an
inscription, discussed by RAI BAHADUR VENKAYYA, of the 12 th year
of the same king's reign this twofold success is also mentioned.
18. Under Udaya IV. (III.) No. 62 (120), there was an incursion of the
Colas into Ceylon who wished to seize the regalia of the Pandya king
deposited there under Dappula IV. (V.) (Mhvs. 53. 9, 40 ff.).
Anuradhapura was taken it is true, but the main object was not attained,
as Udaya had taken the treasures to Rohana for safety. According to H.
524 f. this event took place in the last year of the reign of Parantaka L,
and R. B. VENEAYYA has proved that it is only in his latest inscriptions of
943/4 to 947/8 that this king calls himself "Conqueror of Ceylon".
19. According to Mhvs. 54, 11 ft', the troops of the Vallabha king made an
unsuccessful incursion into Ceylon under Ma-^3 XXI £*-
hinda IV. No. 64 (122). CODRINGTGN (HC. p. 39, 53) supposes this to be the
Cola prince Parantaka II. whose general was defeated in 960. This date
therefore falls in the reign of No. 64 (122).
20. Of Mahinda V. No. 66 (124) it is related in Mhvs. 55. 16 that in
the 36th year of his reign the Colas carried off him, his queen and all
his treasure to India. H. 522 if. assumes that this king was
Rajendra-Cola who boasts of having captured the crowns of the king
and of the queens of Ceylon. He first mentions the conquest of Ceylon in
1017/8 but not in the inscriptions of the foregoing year. The year 1017
is therefore that of Mahinda's capture.
21. The Cola king Rajadhirajadeva relates (H. 520 f.) in an inscription
of the year 1046 that he had deprived 4 kings of Ceylon of their crowns: a)
Vikramabahu, b) Vikramapandya, c) VfraSalamegha and d)
Srivallabhamadanaraja. This clearly refers to events related in Mhvs. 56.
Here the following kings are mentioned as being at war with the Colas:
1) Vikkama-bahu, No. 67 (125) = a1, 2) Kitti, 3) Mahalanakitti, 4)
Yikkamapandu = b, 5) Jagatfpala, 6) Parakkama. Of 3, 5, and 6 it
is distinctly stated that they were slain in battle with the Colas, of 3 it
is said besides that his crown fell as booty to the Damilas. Nos. 1
and 4 however, whose names are clearly recognizable in
Rajadhiraja's inscription, ended otherwise: No. 1 died of a disease, No.
4 in combat with No. 5. Still their crowns may have been among the booty.
At any rate the year 1046 falls in that period; the events may have
reached their conclusion about 1050.
22. For Vijayabaliu I No., 74 (133) to Parakkama-
bahu I. No. 78 (137) I refer the reader to WICKREMASINGHE'S
excellent treatment of the subject in EZ. I? p. 122 ff. and II.
205 ff.
1 I should now prefer to read in Mhvs. 56. 6 Devanagaram instead of d°
and translate "he betook himself to Devanagara (Dondra) and
entered the company of the gods.'1H3 XXII C^-
23. For Parakkamabahu's campaign against Ratnaiina (Mhvs. 76. 10 ff.)
cf. H. C. P. BELL, Rep. on the Kegalla Disk, p. 73 ff. It took place in
the 12th year of his reign. The Ram axilla prince Bhuvanaditta named
in the Devanagala inscription, is identified by BELL with the king
Narabaditsi~tsi-tliu "ttlio reigned 1167?1204 (PHAYRE, History of
Burma, p. 50, 281, 289).
24. The coronation day of Sahasamalla ist the earliest absolutely certain
date in Sinhalese history. In the Polonnaruva inscription of this king (EZ,
II, p. 219 ff.) the date given for the event is Wednesday (badd), the 12th
day of the light half of the month Binera (August-Sept.), after the
expiration of 1743 y., 3 m. and 27 days of the Buddha era. FLEET (JRAS.
1909, p. 327, 331) has calculated the date as Wednesday, 23rd
August, 1200 A. D.
25. According to the Attanagaluvamsa Parakkamabahu IL, No. 94 (153), came
to the throne in the year 1824 after the Sambodhi = 1779 A. B. = 1235/6 A.
D., according to S. 155 = 1296 A. D. (reckoned from 483 B. C., not from
544/3 B. C., as the year of the Nirvana).
26. According to Mhvs. 90. 43 ff. the Tooth Relic carne in the reign
of Bhuvanekabahu I., No. 96 (155), into the possession of the
Pan/lya king Kulasekhara. This king reigned (H.) 1268 ? 1308 A. D.
Under Bhuvanekablhu's successor Parakkamafaaliu III. the relic is
restored by friendly negotiation. CODBINGTOS (JRAS. C. B. xxvin, No.
72,1919, p.. 82 ff.) refers to Maqrlzi's account of a Sinhalese
embassy to the Egyptian Court in the year 1283 A. D. and identifies
the name of the Sinhalese king mentioned in the account with that of
Bhuvanekabahu I.
27. For Bhuvanekabahu IV., No. 102(161), the Laftka-tilaka inscription
is important. See B. GUNASEKABA, JRAS.
C. B. X, No. 34 (1887) p. 83 £; H. C. P. BELL, Kegalla Dist.,
p, 92; WICKR. 29 f. It gives gaka 1264 == 1342 A. D. as the year
of his ascent of the throne. According to Mhvs, 90. 108 (also NsM Nar.)
1894 A. B. « 1M50/1 was the 4 th year of his reign,-K XXIII
£|-
the beginning of the reign therefore 1346/7. The difference is probably due
to the fact that his appointment as yuvaraja took place in the y. 1342,
this event being often reckoned as tlie beginning of the reign. According
to CODRIN^TON (HC. p. 83) No. 102 (161) reigned at least until 1353/4.
28. Cf. the preceding note also for Parakkamabahu V.,» No. 103
(162). According to the Hapugastenne inscription (JRAS. C. B. xxii, No.
65, 1912, p. 362) the llth year of his reign was = Saka 1281 expired =
1359/60 A. D. The first year of his reign would be accordingly Saka 1270
= 1348/9 A. D. But at that time No. 102 (161) was reigning and his
successor probably yuvaraja. In the Vegiri-devaie inscription (WicKE.)
Parakkamabahu V. in 1351/2 still calls himself apa.
29. The Vigulavatta inscription (H. C. P. BELL, Kegalla Dist., p. 78)
gives Saka 1282 = 1360/1 A. D. as the 4 tli year of the reign of
Vikkamabahu IV., (III.) No. 104 (163). His reign would accordingly have
begun in Saka 1278 = 1356/7 A. D. This agrees with the Niyamgampaya
inscription (WicxR. 31) which gives the 17th year of his reign as 1916 A.
B.= 1373/4 A. D.
30. For BhuvanekabahuV., No. 105(164), we have several dates. Cf. S. 174
f., WICKR. 33 f. The most important are: a) according to Ns. 1929 A. B. =
1385/6 A. D. was the 14th year of his reign which makes 1371/2 that of his
coronation. ? b) according to Mhvs. 91. 13 (Ns. also) he is succeeded after
20 years (thus in 1391) by Virabahu. ? c) according to the Vegiri-devaie
inscription, Bh. V. made an endowment in the 30th year of his reign. He
must therefore have lived at least 10 years after 1391 and claimed the
royal dignity. Mhvs. 91.13 would not agree with this if we were to assume
the reading Jcaleko (not s&leJco with Col. Ed.); for the passage would then
state that only after his (i. e. Bhuvanekabahu's) death (nitihitc Jcale)
Virabahu of the AlakeSvara family, seized the power.
31. Ns. 3030 Council under the leadership of Dhamma-kitti 1939 A. B.
expired = 1396 A. D.
32. Vijayabahu VI., No. (166), is not mentioned in the Mhvs, The chronicle
ignoring the tragiq end of the Alagakkonaras,-43 XX1V E>-
jumps over, to Parakkama VI. I refer the reader to the note to 91. 3. of my
translation. Dates according to L. (JRAS. C. B. xxnr, No. 68, 1915-6, p. 96
ff.): 1405, arrival of the Chinese Tcheng-houo ^i Ceylon; 1409 Tcheng-houo
comes again to Ceylon and carries the king (No. 166) captive to China. The
Jdng is set free again in 1411 or 1412, but murdered the night after his
return.
33. For Parakkamabahu VI., No. 107 (168), we have again several dates.
The most important are the following: a) ascent of the throne according to
Mhvs. 91. 15 as well as the inscription of Embekke-devale (H. C. P. BELL,
Ceylon Notes and Queries, vm, Dec. 1916, p. cxxxi ff.): 1953 A. B. =
1409/10 A. D.) (according to other sources and to WICKR. 2 years or 5 years
later). ? b) Chinese accounts (in TENNENT, Ceylon I, p. 6rO f.), that in
the year 1459 A. D. a king of Ceylon Pu-la-ko-ma Ba-zae La-cha Lad for the
last time sent tribute to China. The king was evidently No. 107 (168). In
the years 1416 and 1421 A. D. it is even related that the King of Ceylon
brought the tribute in person.
34. With regard to the date for Bhuvanekabahu VI., No. 109 (170), the
Kalyani inscription of King. Ramadhipati of Pegu is important in that it
mentions his embassy to King Bhuvanekabahu, the son of Parakkamabahu, in
the Saka year 837 * = 2019 A. B. = 1476 A. D. Cf. CODRINGTON, HC. p. 93,
100; TAW SEIN Ko, Indian Antiquary xxn, 1893, p. 11 ff., 29 ff. &c.
35. According to the Kelaniya inscription (AIC. No. 162) Parakkamabahu
IX., No. (173), ascended the throne in 2051 A. B.2 = 1507/8 A. D.
The 12 th year of his reign fell according to the Munessaram Sannasa, in
2060 A. B., giving 1504/5 for his ascent of the throne, thus a difference
of three years.
36. According to the Dondra inscription (H. C. P. BELL, Ke-galla Dist. p.
85 f.) the Saka year 1432 = 1510 A. D, fell in the year after the 4 th year
of the reign of King Vijay abahuVL,
1 Thus according to the modern Burmese era which begins in March 639 A. D,
See C. MABEL DUFF, Chronology of India, p. 51.
2 WICKR. 42 would prefer to read 2049 (ekun panas instead of ek panas)
This would give 1505/6 A*. D.-43
No. 112 (174), his ascent of the throne would fall accordingly in 1505 A.
D.
37. P. E. PIEEIS, The Date of Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. (JRAS. C. B. .xxn, No.
65, 1912, p. 267 ff.) comes to the conclusion that No. 113 (175)
reigned 1521-1551 A. D.
38. Viravikkama, No. 164 (175 d), came to the throne (according to
Mhvs. 92. 6) 2085 A. B. = 1541/2 A. D.
39. Mayadhanu (Mayadunne), No. 115 (175 b), died according to Rajalekhana
( WICKR.), Saka 1503 = 1581/2 A. D.; Raja-siha L, No. 116 (177), according
to Rv. Saka 1514 == 1592/3 A.D.; Vimaladhammasuriya L, No. 117 (178),
according to llv. Saka 1525 = 1608/4 A. D.; he came to the throne (Mhvs.
94. 5) 2135 A. B. = 1591/2 A.D.; Senaratana, No. 118 (179) died according
to Rajalekhana (WicKR.) 6aka 1557 = 1635/6 A. D. and Rajasiha II., No. 119
(180), gaka 1609 = 1687/8 A. D.; Vimaladhammasuriya IL, No. 120 (181),
Saka 1629 = 1707/8 A. D.
40. Kittisirirajasiha, No. 123 (184), ascended the throne (Mhvs. 99. 2)
2290 A. B. = 1746/7 A. D. He died gaka 1703 = 1781/2 A. D. He sends
embassies to Siam (Mhvs. 100.59 and 91) 2293 and 2296 A. B. = 1749/50 and
1752/3 A. D. Lastly Mhvs. 100. 282 gives 2301 A. B. = 1757/8 A. D. as the
date for the consecration of the rebuilt Rajata-yihara.XXVI
Contents of Chapters 73-101
Chapter 73
Parakkamabahu I. begins the fulfilment of his task as ruler (v. 1-10). ?
Benevolence to the poor, reform and conciliation of the Order (v. 11-22). ?
Buildings such as aims-halls and hospitals (v. 23-39). ? Medical care (v.
40-54).? Construction of the city walls (v. 55-60). ? The royal palace
and-neighbouring buildings (v. 61-94). ? Laying out of the Nandana and
Dlpuyyana gardens with their various buildings (v. 95-123). ? Building of
the temple of the Tooth Relic by Mahinda and of the Golden thupa by Queen
Rupavati (v. 124-147). ? Building of streets, of three suburbs with viharas
and of fourteen city gates (v. 148-164).
Chapter 74
Restoration of Aauradhapura (v. 1-14). ? Foundation of Parakkamapura,
administrative measures (v. 15-21). ? Rebellion in Rohaiia (v. 22-39). ?
Rakkha sent to Rohai?a (v. 40-43). ? A rising of the mercenaries in
Kotthasara is suppressed (v, 44-40). ? Rakkha?s campaign (v. 50-66). ?
Bhuta joins him, the two generals continue the campaign (v. 67-80). ? The
flank at Lokagalla secured, advance to Uddhanadvara (v. 81-88). ?
Expedition against Digbavapi (v. 89-08). ? Parakkamabahu issues strict
commands to take the sacred relics, Tooth and Alms-bowl, from the rebels.
Their capture after heavy fighting at Uruvell (v. 99-126). ? Sukarabhatu
escapes from prison and flees to Roha^a, UaiVju sent in pursuit of him (v.
127-132). ? Renewed fighting with the rebels (v. l:i:M42). - Death of
(T. 14,3-152), - The-43 XXVII F>~
rebels gather fresh courage, battles in the Guttasala district (v.
153-157). ? At the command of the King the relics are sent to
Pulfltthinagara; Maiiju who negotiates their dispatch, secures the rear of
the army by an expedition to the Digha-vapi district (v. 158-180). ?
Parakkamabahu brings the relics with great ceremony to the capital (v.
181-248).
Chapter 75
Combats in Dighavapi-ma^dala (v. 1-18). ? Advance of the Kaneukinayaka
Rakkha along the coast by way of Gimhatittha and Mahavalukagama as far as
Mala varatth all (v. 19-68). ? Expedition of the Damiladhikarin Rakkha
starts from Dorjd-vagga (v. 69-97). ? Decisive battles, finally at
Mahasenagama, capture of Mahanagahula and union with the other Rakkha (v.
98-120). ? Fresh combats in Kha^clavagga and Mahagama (v. 121-140). ?
Feigned retreat to Pugadaydavata and decisive actions against the rebels
(v. 141-148). ? Maiiju joined in Kumbugama. Rakkha's troops capture ,
Dvadasasahassaka and destroy the rebels there, MaiijVs soldiers succeed in
taking Queen Sugala prisoner (v. 149-184). ? Stern punishment of the
guilty, clemency towards those who submit (v. 185-193). ? Victorious return
of the army to Pulatthinagara (v. 194-204).
Chapter 76
Risings in Robaija and Mahatittha (v. 1-9). ? Insolence of the ruler of
Ramaniia (v. 10-35). ? Parakkamabahu determines to make war on him and
prepares for the campaign
(v. 36-52). ? Victories in Ramafifia and conclusion of peace (v. 53-75). ??
Succession disputes in Madhura, Parakkamabahu petitioned for aid by the
Pamela king, sends an army under Lankapura to Southern India (v. 76-85). ?
Landing and victorious actions with Kulasekbara's generals, occupation of
Ramissara (v. 86-101). ? Restoration of the Ratanavaluka-cetiya in
Anuradhapura by captive Damilas; on the completion of -the work
Parakkamabahu celebrates a great festival (v. 102-120). ? Continuation of
the war in Southern India;combats with Kulasekhara himself at the fortified
camp of Parakkamapura opposite Ramissara and further victorious actions (v.
121-192). ? Prince ViraparjKlu, the lawful heir to the throne, joins
Laiikapura; capture of Madhura (v. 193-219). ? Fresh combats with
Kulasekhara's generals which end with the taking of Semponmari (v.
220-266). ? Continuation of the campaign; Netturu the key position of the
Slhalas (v. 267-290). ? Reinforcements arrive from Lanka under Jagadvijaya.
The town of Rajina finally taken by force from Kulasekhara, he himself
escapes (v. 291-334).
Chapter 77
Kulasekhara renews the fight. Laiikapura subjugates several of his
subordinate leaders and gains a victory at Pona-amaravati (v. 1-24). ?
Virapaydu consecrated king in Madhura (v. 25-31). ? Continuation of the war
against Kulasekhara who finally seeks refuge in the Cola country (v.
32-70). ? Further actions culminate again in a fight for Ponaamaravati (v.
71-95). -? Laiikapura sends the booty to Ceylon, Parakkama-bahu founds the
village of Panduvijaya in memory of the successful campaign (v. 96-106).
Chapter 78 Second account of Parakkamabahu's reform of the Church.
Mabakassapa head of the Council (F. 1-30). ? The King's
ecclesiastical buildings: Jetavana (with Tivaiika house, circular temple
for the Tooth Relic etc.), Alahana pariveiia (with Laiikatilaka,
Baddhaslmapasada etc.) (v. 31-55). ? Fixing of
the boundaries by the King (v. 56-70). ? Paccliiinarama, Uttarararaa,
MahlthSpa (v. 70-78). ? Viharas in the suburbs and the Kapila-vihara (v.
79-95). ? Restoration of the buildings in Anuradhapura (v. 1)0-109).
Chapter 79
The laying out of gardens (?. 1-12). ? Erection or restoration of thupas.
and other sacred buildings in Kijai*at|ha-13 XXIX £f-
(v. 13-22). ? Building or restoration of reservoirs and irrigation canals
(v. 23-69). ? Similar works in Rohana (v. 70-84).
? Conclusion (v. 85-86).
Chapter 80
Vijayabahu II. reigns piously (v. 1-14). ? He is murdered by Mahinda VL who
is followed by Kittinissanka, famed for his pious foundations (v. 15-26). ?
Brief reigns of Virabahu, Vikkamabahu, Codaganga, Lilavatii (with Kitti),
Sahasamalla, Kalyanavati (with Ayasmanta) (v. 27-41). ? There follow
Dhammasoka, Anikanga, Lilavail (with Vikkantacatnunakka), Lokissara,
Lilavati (with Pa-rakkama) and Parakkamapaiulu II. (v* 42-53). ? Tyrannical
reign of Magha (54-80).
Chapter 81
After a time of great confusion Vijayabahu III. takes over the government
in Jambuddoni (v. 1-16). ? He fetches the relics of the Tooth and the
Alms-bowl which had been hidden by the theras on the Kotthumala mountain
and builds for them a safe sanctuary on the Billasela mountain (v. 17-39).
? He has sacred texts transcribed, builds viharas and restores decayed
buildings (v. 40-63). ? He carefully educates his two sons Parakkamabalm
and Bhuvanekabahu and appoints the former as his successor (v.
64-80).
Chapter 82 Parakkamabahu II. brings the Tooth Relic to Jambuddonl,
builds a temple for it and makes three urns as receptacles for it (v.
1-14). ? Miraculous apparition (v. 15-49). ? The setting up of the relic
accompanied by a great festival (v.50-53).
Chapter 83
Benevolent reign of the King (v. 1-7). ? The Damilas conquered and driven
out (v. 8-35). ? Incursion of the Javakas; they are defeated by the King's
nephew, Virabahu (v. 36-52).Chapter 84
Restoration of property in the Island according to former conditions (v.
1-6). ? Eeform of the Order, invitation to foreign theras like Dhammakitti
(v. 7-16). ?- The King builds monasteries, sees to the better training of
the bhikkhus, celebrates great festivals for the Order, honours eminent
theras and bestows abundant gifts on the bhikkhus (v. 17-44).
Chapter 85
Parakkamabahu II. builds in Sirivaddhana a vihara and has the two sacred
relics brought thither from Jambudd01.11 with great ceremony (v. 1-36). ?
Offerings to the bhikkhus and a sacrificial festival for the Buddha (v.
87-58). ? Building of the Billasela-vihara and other monasteries and
restoration of decayed structures in Kalyanl, Hatthavanagalla, De~
vanagara. Veneration of a relic of Mahakassapa in Bhlma-tittha (v. 59-89).
? Veneration of the Tooth Relic in the Sirivijayasundara-vihara and other
meritorious works (V. 90-98).
? Great kathina offering and sacrificial festival (v. 99-117).
? Pilgrimage to the SuraanakUta (v. 118-122).
Chapter 86
The King has all kinds of meritorious works performed by his minister
Devapattiraja (v. 1-17), ? Making of a road from Gangasiripura to
Sumanakuta and buildings on the summit (v. 18-36). ?? Embellishment of the
Hatthavanagalla-vihara and road-building at Bhioiatittha (v, 37-43). ?
Laying out of a large cocoplantation, building of the village
Mahala-bujagaccha. Devapattiraja honoured by the King (v. 44-58).
.Chapter 87
A. threatened famine prevented by the exhibition of the Tooth Relic (v.
1-13). ? The King gathers round him his five sons and his sister's son and
gives them advice (v. 14-38). ? With the consent of the bhikkhu community
he transfers the government to his eldest son, Vijayabahu (v. 39-7-1).^3
XXXI K-
Chapter 88.
Vijayabahu chooses Vlrabahu as his intimate friend (v. 1-9).
? He builds a temple for the Tooth Relic (v. 10-17) and divides the
protection of the country among his brothers (v. 18-28). ?
Affection of the people (v. 29-42). ? Vijaya-bahu's buildings erected
during liis journeys through the country (v. 43-61). ? War with
Candabhanu (v. 62-76). ~~ Buildings in Subhagiri and Anuradliapura (v.
77-89). ? Restoration of Pulatthinagara (v. 90-121).
Chapter 89
Parakkanmbahu consecrated king in Pulatthinagara (v. 1-10).
? Ceremonial transference of the Tooth and Bowl relics from Jambuddom to
the above town (v. 11-46). ? Great Upasam-pada ceremony in
Sahassatittha (v. 47-63). ? Distinction conferred on deserving
bhikkhus (v. 64-71).
Chapter 90
End of Vijayabahu IV. (v. 1-3). ? Bhuvanekabahu I. escapes from the rebel
Mitta to Subhagiri (v. 4-11). ? Mitta murdered in Jambuddoiii by rebel
mercenaries who immediately support the King (v. 12-30). ? Establishment of
his dominion and meritorious works of Bhuvanekabahu I. (v. 31-42). ?
Incursion of Ariyaeakkavattin who carries off the Tooth Relic to the Pandu
country (v. 43-47). ? Pa-rakkamabahu III. regains the relic by negotiation
(v. 48-55).
? He reigns in Pulatthinagara (v. 56-58). ? Bhuvanekabahu If. reigns as
pious king (v. 59-63). ? Parakkama-bahu IV. builds a temple for the
Tooth Relic and celebrates a festival for it (v. 64-79). ? Literary
activity of the King. His buildings (v. 80-104).? Bhuvanekabahu IIL,
Vijayabahu V., Bhuvanekabahu IV. (v. 105-9).~£3 XXXII E^-
Chapter 91
Parakkamabahu V. and Vikkaniabahu V. Alagakko-nara founds JayavacMhanakotta
(v. 1-8). ? Bliuvaneka-bahu V., Virabahu II. (v. 9-14). ? Parakkamabahu VI.
His meritorious works (v. 15-36).
. Chapter 92
Jayabahu IL, BhuvanekabahuVL, Pandita Parakkamabahu VII., Vira
Parakkamabahu VIII., Vijayabahu VI., Bhuvanekabahu VII. (v. 1-5). ?
Viravikkama (in Kandy) earns merit by offerings to the Order. Pilgrimages,
festivals etc. (v. 6-31).
Chapter 93
Mayadlianu (v. 1-3). ? Rajasiha I. (in Sitavaka) is converted to Hinduism
and persecutes the Buddhist priests
(v. 4-17).
Chapter 94
Vimaladhammasuriya I. in Goa (v. 1-6). ? He brings the Tooth Relic from the
Labujagaina-viliara to Kandy and builds a temple for it (v. 7-14). ? He
summons bhikkhus from Arakan and furthers the Order (v. 15-23).
Chapter 95
Senaratana saves the Tooth Relic from the Portuguese
and proceeds to Mahiyaiigana where a son is bora to him, with significant
signs (v. 1-16). ? Returning to Kandy, he divides the realm by lot among
his three sons (v. 17-26),
Chapter 96
Rajasiha II. dispossesses his brothers and becomes sole king (v. 1-6). ? He
is distinguished by personal courage (?. 7-10). Successful fights with the
Portuguese (v. 11-37). ? Vigorous rule in the interior (v. 38-42).-13
XXXIII £*-
Chapter 97
Vimaladhammasuriya II. builds a temple for the Tooth Relic and furthers the
Order by the admission of monks from Arakan (v. 1-15). ? Pilgrimages and
other meritorious works (v. 16-22). ? Narindaslha lays the Order under
obligations, undertakes pilgrimages, performs other pious works and builds
the new temple for the Tooth Relic (v. 23-47). ? The samariera Saraiiamkara
takes the Tooth Relic under his protection and at the instigation of the
King, performs several important works (v. 48-62).
Chapter 98
Vijayarljasiha marries princesses from Madhura who embrace Buddhism and are
its devoted disciples (v. 1-20). ? The King's relations with Saraiiamkara
(v. 21-24). ? Veneration of the Tooth Relic with great festivities (v.
25-57).
? Sacrificial festival of lamps (v. 58-64). ? The building of
viharas and the embellishment of Sirivaddhana (v. 65-70).
? Sermons (v. 71-79). ? Banishment of the Paraiigis, visit to the sacred
places (v. 80-86). ? Embassy to Ayojjha in order to fetch bhikkhus.
The King's end (v. 87-97).
Chapter 99
Kittisirirajasiha reigns piously and seeks to spread the Buddhist doctrine
(v. 1-24). ? Honours conferred on the bhikkhus from Rakkhanga and
furtherance of the Order (v. 25-35), ? Pilgrimage to the sacred places (v.
36-41). ? Great festivities in Sirivaddhana, specially in honour of the
Tooth Relic (v. 42-74). ? Continuation of the Mahavamsa (v. 75-80). ?
Friendly relations of the King and his brothers who like himself, are
believing Buddhists (v. 81-107). ? Military embroilment with the Olandas
who take Sirivaddhana, but softer a severe defeat (v. 108-139). ? The Tooth
Relic winch had been concealed from the enemy is brought back to the town
(v. 140-149). ? The Olandas sue for peace (v. 150-167). ? The King cares
for the welfare of the Order (v. 168-182).
G-S3 XXXIV fc>-
Chapter 100
Veneration of the Tootli Relic by the King who makes large offerings to it
and celebrates festivals (v. 1-43). ? Reform of the Order, embassy to
Ayojjha to King Dhammika who sends bhikkhus under the leadership of the
tliera Upali to Lanka where they are received with great festivities (v.
44-90). ? The King himself visits the monks from Saminda in the Puppharama
where dwellings are assigned them and instigates the holding of an
Upasampada ceremony (v. 91-96). ? Furtherance of the newly established
Order; the envoys who had accompanied the monks from Saminda return thither
(v. 97-135). ? Dhammika again sends bbikkhus to Lauka. Death of Upali (v.
136-148). ? Envoys whom Kitti-siri had sent to Dhammika return with rich
gifts (v. 149-170). ? Efficacy of the Siamese monks in Lanka; their return
to Siam (v. 171-179). ? The making of a Buddha image in Sirivaddhana and
ceremony of the Festival of the eyes (v. 180-200). ? Rebuilding of the
Gangaiama and furnishing of the monastery (v. 201-215). ? Foundation of a
monastery in Kunclasala (v. 216-219). ? Restoration of the cult on the
Sumanakuta (v. 220-228). ? Restoration of destroyed monasteries and their
property, namely of the Rajata-vihara which is described in detail (v.
229-292). ? Further meritorious works of the King and of his minister
Suvamiagama (v. 293-301).
Chapter 101.
Sirirajadhirajasiha reigns piously (v. 1-18). ? Siri-
vikkamarajasiha at first a pious prince, becomes a tyrannical monster. The
people rise against him and banish him to the mainland. The British take
possession of the kingdom
(v. 19-29).CHAPTER LXXIII
ACCOUNT OF THE REBUILDING OP PUIATTHINAGARA
Now when the Ruler Parakkaxna had accomplished his 1 consecration
as king, he the wise one, best among those who understand what is good (for
the people), thought thus: "By 2 those kings of old who turned aside from
the trouble of furthering the laity and the Order ? who through lust,
hatred, fear and delusion went wofully astray1, who caused great evil B by
the gathering of immeasurable taxes and the like ? has this people
aforetime been grievously harassed. May it hence- 4 forth be happy, and
may the Order of the great Sage ? long sullied by admixture with a
hundred false doctrines, rent 5 asunder by the schism of the three
fraternities and flooded with numerous unscrupulous bhikkhus whose sole
task is the 6 filling of their bellies ? (that Order) which though five,
thousand years have not yet passed, is in a state of decay, once more
attain stability. Of those people of noble birth who here and 7 there have
been ruined, I would fain by placing them again in their rightful position,
become the protector In accordance with tradition. Those in search of
help I would fain support 8 by letting like a cloud overspreading the four
quarters of the earth2, a rich rain of gifts pour continually down upon
them.
1 Chanda, dosa, bhaya, moka are called A. II. 18 catt&ri agatiganmnmn. Cf.
chandagalim (dosagatim etc.) gantum D. Ill 13321, chandd agatim ga-cchati
Nett. 44l etc.
2 The Buddhist cosmology recognises four chief continents. Cf. Vv. 20. 10
catunnam mahadipdnam issarant yo'dha Jcaraye. S. V.-34330 catunnam dlpanam
patildbho. In contrast to these are the 2000 small dipas by which they are
surrounded (VvCo. 10414), In the Gal-?ihara inscription
12 ParakkainabaJiu I
73.9
9 All this was (for me) while with arduous struggle I sought
10 the royal dignity, the absolutely preconceived result. Now is the time
to carry out what I have wished." In consideration of this he bestowed
office on those who deserved it1.
11 Hereupon he had the drums beaten and those in search of help
called together and he allotted them yearly a large
12 alms equal in weight to his body. Then the Ruler in order to promote
the furtherance of the Order, assembled the great
13 community dwelling In the three fraternities. Further he called
together many distinguished teachers learned in the methods
14 of discriminating between failure and non-failure, and as he himself
was the foremost among those versed in the rules of the Order and
acquainted with right and wrong, he could distin-
15 guish the genuine from the false ascetics. Further being in virtue
of his impartiality free from liking and disliking, and as a result of his
unweariedness arduously active day and
16 night, he cured like a clever, expert physician who distin-
17 guishes between curable and incurable disease, those which were
curable and set aside those which were incurable by the method prescribed
by the rules of the Order, free in his de-
18 cisions from error. From the days of King Vat^agaman! Abhaya2
the three fraternities had lost their unity, despite
19 the vast efforts made in every way by former kings down to
the Buddha is compared to a rain-cloud which pours its blessing over the
four continents. These continents are: Uttarakuru, Jainbu-dipa, Pubbavideha
and Aparagodana (WICKREMASINGHE, EZ. II, p. 273, n. 3). For the Brahmanic
teaching of the Dvipas see KIBFEL, Kosmographie der Inder, p. llOff.
1 Verses 2?10 form one sentence. It is governed by iddni halo vi-dhdtum
etani scibbam maya sambhavitam. What he has aspired to is: 1) with regard
to the mass of the people that they should be happy (v. 4a); 2) with regard
to the Order, that it might attain stability (yathd assa addkaniyain v.
6d); 3} with regard to the nobility, that the king should again become
their protector (v. 7d: y&lanam must be supplemented by an assam from assa
in 6 d "may I be"); 4) with regard to those in want, that the king may
support them (7. 8 d).
2 For the schism in the Order at the time of this prince see Mhvs.
33. 95 ff.73.23 ParaJckamabdhu I
3
the present day. They turned away in their demeanour from one another and
took delight in ail kinds of strife. But the 20 all-wise Ruler who had
already in past existences striven after the purification of the Order
as something which must be attained1, achieved its union, whereby he had
to endure double 21 as much heavy toil as in his efforts for the
royal dignity. And he made the Order as uniform as milk and water so
22 that it could last in purity for five thousand years2.
Hereupon the best of men had a square hall3 erected in 23 the middle of
the town with four entrances and several large
1 P. galiitabbato is an adverbial formation from gaMtabba = skr.
grahl-tavya. It would correspond to skr. grdhUavyatas. Cf. WHITNEY,
Indische Grammatik § 1098.
2 Verses 12?22 form one sentence. The principal verb in 22 c d is aJcdsi
(jinasdsanam Iclfirodalcibhutain), subject Hhupati in 21 d. The gerunds
rdslkatvd (12 c) and samnipatiya (13 d), as also samaggam katvd (21 d) are
subordinate, This last is preceded by the pret. and pres. participles: ?
patighdnunaydoajjito (15 b), atandito (15 d), samupadkarento (16c),
tikic-cJianto and vivojjayani (17 a b), as well as anaydpetasainkappo (17
c) and anubhonto (21 c). These are all of them attributes of the subject.
The object of samaggam altdsi is nikdyaUitayani with the three attributes
in 19 b c d of which the first has a still closer adverbial definition in
18 and 19 a ("in spite of the great efforts1' etc.); payasena must be
supplemented by Catena. ? The brief account of our chronicle is confirmed
by the Gal-vihara inscription of Parakkamabahu in Polonnarava. Cf. Ed.
MULLER, AIC nr. 54; WICKREMASINGHE, EZ. II. 256 ff. From the contents it
is even possible to establish certain connections between the inscription
and the account of the Culavs., though these are of too vague a character
for us to draw far-reaching conclusions from them. Both start -with the
schism of the church under Vattagamani. Both speak of the intention that
the Order should now be secure in its stability for 5000 years. In the
Culavs. the king is compared to a cloud spreading itself over the four
continents just as the inscription uses this comparison of Buddha. See also
note to 78. 5. In chap. 78 a second and more detailed account of the reform
of the church follows,, Raj avail says (trsl. by B. GUNASEKABA, p. 59)
quite briefly: "he reconciled the religious differences which had existed
since the reign of Valagam Aba," The account in the Nikaya-samgraha is more
detailed (p. 22 of WICEKEMASINGHE'S ed.)«
3 P. catussala = skr. cat uM did denotes a square surrounded by buildings.
We must imagine therefore a square court surrounded on all sides by halls
open to the interior. Cf. Mlivs. 87. 15. The word occurs as the name of a
particular building in Anuradhapura in Mhvs. 15. 47, 50; 35. 88.4
ParaU:amabahu I
73. 24
24 rooms and instituted a great almsgiving in which everything needful was
to be had daily for many hundreds in number
25 who had kept the precepts of moral discipline l. And every year the
Ruler of men had given to each of them according to his age, garments and
mantles, (thus) at all times full of
26 benevolence. Thereupon he had four almshouses built in the four
districts of the town and had them erected in separate
27 divisions, and therein he placed many vessels of bronce, cushions
28 and pillows, mats, carpets and bedsteads as well as cows by the
thousand that gave sweet milk. Then near these (halls)
29 at a spot with pure water he laid down charming gardens adorned
with trees that bore abundant blossom and fruit, and
30 fair as the garden of Nandana2. Further generous as he was, he set
up in their neighbourhood rich provender houses
31 supplied with money and money's worth which contained all necessities
such as syrup, sugar, honey and the like. And
32 (there) he instituted for many thousands of bhikkhus from all four
regions of the earth who practised moral discipline and other virtues,
for Brahmans belonging to a mendicant
83 order, as well as for many other supplicants and poor travellers daily a
great almsgiving, he the wise (prince), untiring, unwearying, with a heart
full of love.
34 Hereupon the Ruler of men, "filled with pity, had another great
hall built for many hundreds of sick people, fitted for
35 their sojourn there, and had placed in it in the way above
described, a complete collection of all articles of use. There
36 also he gave to each sick person a special slave and a female slave to
prepare day and night according to need, medicines
37 and food, solid and liquid. There too he had many provender houses
built in which a quantity of medicine, money and
38 money's worth and the like were collected. To discerning and
skilful physicians who were quick at distinguishing various (bodily)
conditions and who were versed in all the text books,
1 P. nity'ttlanciM icfers as W. assumes, to monks. *'Agc" in v. 25 (P.
yctth
he gave maintenance according to their deserts, recognising 39 the
merits in all of them and made them day and night practise the
medical art in the best manner. He himself on 40 the four Uposatha days
in the month, having laid aside all his ornaments and having taken upon
himself the vow of the sacred day, pure with pure upper garment, surrounded
by his 41 dignitaries, was wont to visit that hall, his heart cooled with
pity1. With an eye that charmed by goodness he gazed at 42 the sick.
And as the Ruler of men was himself versed in medical lore2, he the
all-wise summoned the physicians ap- 43 pointed there, tested in every
way their healing activities, and 44 if their medical treatment had been
wrongly carried out he met them with the right method, pointed it out to
them as the best of teachers and showed them the proper use of the 45
instruments by skilfully treating several people with his own hand. Then
he tested the favorable or unfavorable condition 46 of all the sick, let
those who were rid of their illness have garments given to them and then
rejoicing in good, after he 47 had taken his reward3 from the hands of the
physicians and given them their reward3, he returned to his palace. By
such 48 means year by year he being (himself) free from disease,
freed the sick from all their illnesses.
Yet another miracle never before seen or heard was mani- 49 fest in him who
was rich in the virtue of pity rightly exercised. To that hall there came,
tortured by great pain, a crow 50 suffering from an ulcer that had formed
in her cheek. As if 51
1 P. dayasitalam&naso. Of. 73. 141, The heart is hot with passion.
Passion is cooled by pity. We Northerners would be more Inclined to say it
is "warmed".
2 P. ayubbede = skr. ayurvede. The Ayurveda "Veda of the (Lengthening of
the) Span of Life" was held to be the basis of all medical knowledge and
was regarded as an it pang a of the Atharvaveda. See WINTEB-KITZ, Gesch.
der ind. Literatur, III, p. 542; J. JOLLY, Medicin, p. I2f.
3 Each time the expression patti is used.. Employed of the king, it means
the merit working itself out in the fcimma. This merit is found in the
healing activity of the physicians and is left by them to the king, because
he is its spiritual parent. Cf. note to 42* 50. Employed of the doctors,
patti means the payment for their services.o
ParaltJcamabahu I 73. 52
chained by the strong bands of his pity she sat as if with clipped wings,
motionless outside the hall moaning piteously.
52 The physicians who rightly recognised her condition, caught
53 her and cured her at the Great King's command. Her disease cured, the
King set her upon an elephant and having made her walk round the town,
her right side towards it, he set
54 her free. Where, when and by whom was ere such exceeding great mercy
even to animals seen or heard?
55 Thereupon King Parakkamabahu, the hero, to whom all
right-minded people were devoted, set about the rebuilding in grandeur
and beauty of the superb city of Pulatthinagara
56 which had reached such a state that nought but its name
remained, and which no longer sufficed to make manifest his
57 superlatively royal glory1. The Monarch now had a high chain
of walls built which on all sides enclosed the fortified
58 town2 and was larger than the town wall3 of former kings and gleamed
with its coating of lime bright as autumn clouds.
59 Then after he had built round this three walls4 each in turn
60 smaller than the other, he laid down various streets. Then he
1 For the following description compare above all A. M. HOCART, The
Topography of Polonnaruva (ASC. Memoirs II. 1926, p. 8ff.). H. W. Co-
DRINGTON is certainly right in his assumption that the description in the
Culavamsa proceeds from south to north. I refer the reader at once to the
second and later account of Parakkamabahu's building activities in 78. 31
ff.
2 By Khandavara I understand here the inner walled part of the town in
contrast to the open parts of the town lying around it. The "chain of
walls" refers probably to the rampart of the town still recognisable,
stretching for about a mile from north to south and half a mile from east
to west. Within this rampart lies the ^citadel" with the royal castle.
See note to v. 61.
3 The abl. purapakaracak'katQ shows that we must take the positive
mahantam in the sense of a comparative, as is often the case. The new
structure was thus more extensive than the older one.
* The Kau^allya lays down that three trenches each narrower than the other,
must surround the wall of a castle. The dug out soil may have served for
the construction of the "small wall1'. See Kau|. 2, 3. 21 (in JOLLY'S ed.
p. SI; in J. J. MEYER'S translation p. 651° in that of SHAMA-
BASTRT, p. 57).73.64 ParalcJtamabahu I
7
erected around his own palace and around his whole dwelling a second inner
wreath of walls1 and built thereon a palace2 61 seven storeys high,
furnished with a thousand chambers and adorned with many hundreds of
pillars painted in divers hues. It was richly supplied with hundreds of
alcoves3 which were 62 like to the summit of the Kelasa4 mountain and were
radiant with manifold ornaments of climbing plants and flowers. Ife 63
had doors and windows of gold large and small, well divided walls and
stairs and offered conveniences for every season. It was ever
adorned with many thousands of various beds 64 which were made of
gold, ivory and the like and had costly
1 P. anupakar-ainanddlam, lit. a secondary circle of walls.
2 The word for "palace", pdsddam, first occurs in v. 70. All the verses
between contain attributes of which I have made independent sentences.
There is no doubt that the palace is recognisable in the ruins which are
marked "palace" on the plans. It is enclosed along with a number of
subsidiary buildings by a rampart (the anupdlcara of the test) "forming an
oblong of roughly 440 by 264 yards" (A. M. HOCAKT, 1. c., p. 3). The
enclosed ground is now known by the name of the "citadel", and the palace
stands in the southern part of the square. Cf. for the whole H. C. P. BELL,
ASC. 1911-12 (= S.P.III, 1915), p. 50if. When the Culavs. speaks of a
thousand apartements and many hundreds of pillars that is of course merely
the stereotyped exaggeration constantly recurring in such descriptions. At
the same time there is a striking number of tiny rooms grouped round the
central main part of the building in the groundfloor. There are more than
fifty of them. Without doubt there were further apartments in the upper
storeys. That the palace at least in its central portions consisted of one
or several storeys is proved by the extraordinary strength of the walls
enclosing the innermost chamber. These are more than ten feet thick. Then
too a broad staircase is still standing which led from the south of this
room upwards. Unfortunately our chronicle gives instead of exact figures
merely the customary phrases prescribed by poetics.
3 P. ftiltdgdra. Havana's palace is also described in the Ramayana 5. 9,
14 (Bombay ed. 1902) as Mtdgaraih mblmgdmih sa-rvatah samalam-Jcatam. The
commentary on the passage explains kutdgdraih by gupta~ svalpagrhaih.
4 Buildings which are high, pointed and white in colour (covered with
stucco), especially stupas (78. 77), are frequently compared to the Kelasa
mountain (cf. 68. 41 and note).8
ParalcJcamabdhu I 73.65
65 coverings. The height of its splendour1 was reached in the royal
sleeping apartment which was ever immeasurably re-
66 splendent with a thick bunch of pearls2 suspended at Its four corners,
white as moonbeams and gleaming so that they
67 laughed to scorn the beauty of the divine Granga. (The sleeping
apartment) was adorned with a wreath of large golden lampstands which
breathed out continually the parfume of
68 flowers and iacense. With the network of tiny golden bells3 suspended
here and there and giving forth a sound like the
69 sound of the five musical instruments, the palace made known, as it
were, the rich fulness of the merits of the King. This
70 splendid palace, like to a matchless structure of Vissakarnman4,
charming and peerless, he, the first among the protectors of the earth,
built and gave it the name of Vejayanta5.
71 For the carrying out of the ceremonies of expiation by the
Brahmans (he built) the Hemamandira and for the recitation
72 of magic incantations the charming Dharapighara6. For listening to
the birth stories of the great Sage which were related by a teacher
appointed there for the purpose, (he built)
1 So I translate sanathlkatam uttamam (cf. skr. sanathlkr as well as below
v. 152) in v. 67 d. Verses 66 b to 67 a b contain attributes of
sm-sayanagabbhena in 67 e, v. 65 attributes of thulamuttakaldpend.
2 In Ram. 5. 9.17 it is said of Havana's palace nistuldbhisca
muttd-bhistalenabhinirqjitani.
3 The kinkini(ka)jdla is one of the ornaments of the mandapas (JaCo. J.
8231,; DhCo, I, 2742) and of the pasadas (D. IT. I836; Mhvs. 27. 16, 27).
4 Skr. Vis-vakarman, the architect of the gods, often associated and
confused with Tvastar. Cf. HOPKINS, Epic Mythology, p. 201. He is the
bailder of Yaruna's palace (ibid, p, 118) and of the divine hall of
assembly (ibid. p. 113).
5 This is the name of Indra's palace. See 48, 186.
6 I take hemamandira "golden house" and dhdramghara ahouse of
incantation*4 as the names of the buildings in question. Santi in a is as
otherwise santikamma, to be understood in the technical sense of skr.
?santi. Cf. with parivattana in c parivattanamanta JaCo. 1. 2Q01*. It is
impossible now to say which of the present ruins correspond to the
buildings mentioned. We should probably look for them in the various
structures in the immediate vicinity of the palace.73.80
PardKkamdbaliu I 9
the fair Ma^cjalamandira1. For the reception of the magic 73 water
and of the magic thread given him by the yellow-robed ascetics (he built)
the Pancasattatimandiraa. Lastly he who 74 ever trod the path of the
true doctrine, erected a sermon house3. It was surrounded by an
enclosure of coloured curtains and adorned with costly canopies.
By reason of the 75 many-hued, sweet-smelling flowers laid down here and
there as offerings it had the semblance of a single nosegay. Its 76
interior was constantly lighted by lamps with scented oil and perfumed by
incense of gum resin. It was gaily adorned with 77 many likenesses of the
Victor (Buddha) in gold and the like and was resplendent with a garland of
pictures of the Omniscient One, which were painted on stuff. When that
Prince among 78 kings entered it to place with his own hand a (jewel as)
eye4 upon the statue of the Victor, or to honour by sacrifice the 79
Tathagata, or to listen to the unsurpassable true doctrine ?
(then) was it like unto a divine hall of assembly. It was 80
1 That is "circle house". Of course the building which, was to serve for
the narration of the jatakas was first erected and then an dcariya
appointed for the purpose. BELL (ASC, 1906, p. lOff.; cf. EZ. II. 2S8ff.)
regards the mandatamandira as the so-called Potgul-vehera to the south
of Pulatthinagara. But I do not believe that he is right.
2 That is "the house of the seventy-five". The reason for the name is
unknown. Obviously the building was meant to serve for the holding of
paritta ceremonies. Water and thread play the most important part in
these, as the white thread which runs through the hands of all the
participating priests starts from a vessel filled with water. At the
close the foreheads of the priests are sprinkled with the water.
3 Again verses 74 to 81 form one sentence. The attributes in 74 to 81 b
precede the object dhammagamin in 81 c. Of these we have made independent
sentences. The most important building in the neighbourhood of the palace
is the "Rajamaligava" situated to the east of it. It is an oblong structure
on a terrace of three tiers. The walls of the terrace are decorated with
beautifully carved reliefs. Whether indeed we may ?call, the building a
dhammagara is doubtful. It looks like a hall of audience or like a
council-hall Cf, ASC. 1905 (== S, P. XX. 1909), p. 8ff.
4 The eyes of Buddha statues consisted frequently of precious stones (dark
bine sapphires). Their insertion took place with specially solemn
ceremonies*10 Paraklcamabahu I
73.81
graced by a wonderful peacock wliicli drove people out of
81 their senses whenever screeching its peacock cry, it began its
dance together with the dancing girl who danced there while they struck
up a sweet rhythmic song1.
82 Further in order to listen to the rhythmic songs of the many
musicians and to behold their charming dance, the Monarch had
built near the palace the Sarassatlma$dapa2.
83 It glittered in every direction with its golden pillars. It was
delightful with paintings relating to his (Parakkamabahu's)
84 deeds. It was embellished by a wishing-tree offering all desired
things which sparkled with all kinds of ornaments such
85 as earrings, bracelets, necklaces and the like, which was resplendent
with garments of linen, silk, Chinese stuff and other
86 materials, which gleamed with its golden trunk and a row of branches,
and which was adorned by a flock of numerous birds which were painted on
it.
87 Further he had the fair rna^dapa erected which bore the name
Rajavesibhujanga3. It was like unto the hall of the gods, called
Sudhamma, which descended to earth, just as if
1 The peacock was thus a mechanical toy which however existed apparently
only in the imagination of the poet, "Rhythmic" is layanmta or in v. 82
layopeta. The Indians distinguish three lay ah or tempi: druta, madhya and
vftainbifa.
2 "Mandapa of Sarasvati". She is the goddess of eloquence7 here of the
arts of the muses in general. It is impossible to identify either this
building or the one following. The description is unfortunately purely
formal. The fact of both buildings being described as mandapas suggests
something of the pavilion kind, provisional in character. Verses 82 to 86
and 87 to 91 again form each one sentence, built up in the same way as the
sentence in v. 74 to 81.
3 The name is difficult to explain. A suburb of Pulatthinagara is called
thus (73. 153; 78. 79), and this name again seems to be connected with the
epithet Rajavosibbujangasilamegha applied to Ilarikiya in 76.192. The
word vesi means *'harlot", "prostitute", Bhujanga in addition to "snake*"
means the "lover of a prostitute'1 (BE. s. v., c). This meaning is here to
be assumed in the name owing to the association with vefi. In the
inscripton of lhala Puliyankulam of the time of Parakkamabahu I.,.dealt
with by CODBWGTOH (JRAS. C. B, XXX, nr. 79, p, 271), he has the surname of
an-raja-vesi^htganga.73.92 Parakkamdbdhu I
11
the good deeds of all people were accumulated at one spot. It was
tliree-storeyed, ornamented with coloured pictures, 88 surrounded
by lines of fair vedikas1, exquisite, adorned with 89 a costly chair
beneath a wishing-tree which offered the singers and other people the
wished-for objects. It shimmered with its 90 manifold precious stones like
the diadem, sparkling in the sun, of that fair lady, the island of Lanka,
whom he won by the force of his arms2; and it was like unto the wreath
of tresses of 91 the protector of the world of men3. In the same way
he 92 built the fair Ekatthambha-pasada45 that ended with a ma~
1 What vedika means is not easy to determine. Noteworthy is the frequency
of the phrase vedikdya parikkhitta ,,surrounded by a vedika" as for
instance a bathing pond, a pokkharam D. II. 1797 ff. Here most probably it
means a railing, since just before the same has been said of a stair case.
As a staircase when it is of gold etc. has golden thambha (that
is railing gates) and suciyo (i. c. cross-bolts), as well as an unJiisa
(cornice) of silver, in the same way the vedika of the pond has it. Of.
further YvCo. 3405, where kancanauedimissam is explained by sttvannamaydya
vedikdya sdhitam parikkhittam. A vedika is part of a heavenly pasada just
as the rooms, the windows, the network of bells (Mhvs. 27. 18). The
lohapasada had a pavdlavedihd, a vedika of coral (Mhvs. 27. 26). There
was a ndndratdnavedikd round the bodhi tree (Mhvs. 30. 70). A
vedika'belongs to a stupa (Mhvs. 32. 4; 34. 41), to an image house (Mhvs.
78. 40), to a bathing-house (Mhvs. 78. 46). Of. also note to 76. 118.
2 I divide nijabahubald (== instr.) anine. For it is hardly admissible to
take the whole as a parallel compound to lankangandya.
3 W. regards this as referring to $iva. The reference is suitable, since
Siva wears the crescent moon in the hair over his forehead, his tresses are
therefore illumined.
4 Lit, ^one-pillar- palace". In such a one-pillar-palace, gehe ekathunike,
was Citta the daughter of Paijcjuvasudeva confined, to prevent her
coming into contact with any man. JaCo I. 44124"25 also mentions an
ekatthambhakap&sada which serves as a king's dwelling. For an idea of
what such a structure looked like, v. 94 a b is important where it is
compared to a candelabra. One must therefore oddly enough imagine the
pasada as something in the form of a dovecote. It should be remembered
however, that the rooms both in the royal castle at Polonnarava and in the
BaddhasTrnapasada were extremely small, not more than 8x10 ft. In
Veherabendigala I saw something like a room just large enough for a man
stretched at full length to lie down in.12
ParakJcamabahu I 78.93
93 kara1 and rose aloft as if it had split open the earth. And it was
adorned with a superb golden chamber2 that was
94 placed above on a golden column, possessed of the beauty of a cave of
gold for this lion among kings, and which glittered like a candelabra on a
golden foot.
95 Again the Ruler, the leader of earth protectors, had a
private garden laid down in a region close to the kings house.
96 As one felt that it showed by its beauty a likeness to the
(heavenly) pleasure garden Nandana, and by lavishing charm charmed the
eyes of men3, it received the name of Nandana4.
97 Its trees were twined about with jasmin creepers and it was filled with
the murmur of the bees drunk with enjoyment of
98 the juice of the manifold blossoms. There canipaka, asoka and
tilaka trees, nagas, punnagas and ketakas, sal trees, pa-
99 tall and nlpa trees, mangos, jambu and kadamba trees, vakulas, coco
palms, kutajas and bimbijllakas, malati, mallika, tamala
100 and navamalika shrubs5 and yet other trees bearing manifold fraits and
blossoms rejoiced the heart of the people who went
101 thither. Pleasant it was, and with the cry of the peacocks and
the gentle twitter (of the birds) it always delighted the
102 people. It was furnished with a number of ponds with be-
1 A dolphin-like mythical animal often employed as ornament especially on
balustrades of staircases.
2 l>.j(itiiritpam?dMnat with a dwelling-room, a habitation of gold.
3 I separate thus: . ,. j ait an am nayand (ace, pi.) nanrfand-dam
nan-'Itiyati. The fern, nandand is found also S. I. 610.
* Verses 95 to 112 are one sentence: ... lie laic! down . . . the private
garden . .. by name Nandana . . ., "whose trees .. . and it was filled . .
, There follow further attributes of glianiyifdnain^ partly in adjective
form, partly as relative sentences (cf, yattha In v. 100, 109, 111; yam in
v. 110).
& The botanical names are in the same order 1. mickelia ckampaka, 2,
joneaia aaoka, 3. unknown (Skr. tilafat), 4. mesua ferrea, 5. rottlera
tinetoria, 6. pandtinim odoratisgimus, 7. aborea robudta, 8. bi^nonia
^Viivt'olonP, 9, nauclea cadam^a, 10. mangifera indkd, 11. engenia
jamloliina,, 12. nauciea cordifoiia, 13. mimusops elengi* 14. cocos
nuciferu. |5. wrigbtia antidysenlerica or nericuui antidysenterieum, 10.
momordi-ca mouadelpha, 17, jasmitram grandifiorum, 18. jasiiiinum sambac,
19. suntbocbyniUM pictorlutj, 20. a variety of jiu»minum
»ambac.73.110 ParaMamabahu I
13
autiful banks whose chief decoration were red and blue lotos flowers and
which appropriated all that was the loveliest of the lovely. It was
adorned too with a large gleaming bath- 103 room1 supported by
pillars resplendent with endless rows of figures in ivory, which was
fair and like to a mountain 104 of cloud pouring forth rain by
(reason of) the showers of water which flowed constantly from the pipes
of the apparatus, and which seemed to be the crown jewel of the beauty
of 105 the garden2 and ravished the eye. The garden was (further) 106
resplendent with an extensive palace3 adorned with many columns
of sandalwood, resembling an ornament on the earth's 107 surface, that
glittered, peerless, shimmering, and with an octagonal manilapa
resembling an ear ornament. It was also 108 adorned with another large,
fair, charming mapdapa that had the charm of a wreath of serpentine
windings4. There in the 109 garden the Silapokkharani5 pond continually
captivated the King who was highest among rulers of the earth, who had
attached the good without number to himself. Still more 110
delightful was the garden by (means of) the Mangalapokkharani
1 P. dhardmandapa (v. 105) corresponds to the skr. dhdrdgrha. From
the description it is clear that a shower bath is meant.
2 P. uyydnalaKkhiyd. It must be borne In mind that JaJd'M is at the
same time the name of the goddess of beauty, Laksini. Thus in the picture
the garden is compared with the goddess and the "palace" with an ornament
of her diadem.
3 P. vimdnena. Writers are fond of using- the term half mythically. By r.
is understood mainly the abodes of blessed spirits which hover in the air.
In JaCo, I. 328la a tree serves as cundita for the Uevata dwelling
there. Save here and in the following the word occurs but rarely as a name
for human habitations.
4 Is the idea here pillars with baroque spirals such as are found on a
structure of the so called quadrangle in Polonnaruva?
5 I. e, stone pond. Having regard to the two names occurring in v. 110, 1
prefer to take this as a proper name. W. also understands
pnnnaiwjl'liiaram in v. Ill as such. It is quite possible. We must then
join tiuyandhit'tirijjtlrcHa with nandayttnti "which gladdened by the
fulness of perfumed water1*. My translation of v?. Ill, 112 was determined
by the circumstance that °jwmw and punya? occur next to each other.14
ParaMamdbaJiu I
7B. Ill
pond, and provided with the Nandapokkhara£i pond it looked
111 like the divine garden of Nandana. Yet another pond gleamed
112 there, filled with a stream of perfumed water, gladdening the royal
moon, and it was ever fair with rich beauty and splendour, furnished with
the cave called Vasanta and with bathing ponds1.
118 Again on land that resembled an island because the water divided
into two arms, the foe-subduer laid down a second
114 garden, the Dipuyjaaa2. There one saw the Dhavalagara3 that like
to the summit of the Kelasa, was made entirely of
115 stucco, wonder exciting. The garden was adorned with a
Vimana which bore the name of Vijjamanclapa because it was
116 built to show forth the various branches of science. And there too
gleamed the beautiful, roomy4 Dolamandapa5 that was
1 The pokkharanlhi ca comes in rather larnely after bathing-ponds
have been already mentioned in v. 109 to 111. The question is where must
the garden be looked for. In my opinion no weight can be attached to the
structures in it mentioned in the text. The description is purely formal,
made up according to the recipe for describing a garden. Even the
enumeration of the many trees means nothing. The author is merely
displaying his botanical knowledge or rather his acquaintance with literary
sources like Abhp. 536 ff. Of actual facts which could be utilised little
remains but that it was a gharuyydna a house-garden (private garden). We
must look for it therefore in the immediate neighbourhood of the royal
castle and I believe therefore that it filled the northern half of the
citadel. Doubtless it contained pavilions and bathing-arrangements. A, M.
HOCART is inclined to look for the Nandana garden to the east of the palace
and outside of the citadel, mainly on account of the silapoMharanl, since a
bathing pond answering this description does in fact lie under the eastern
wall of the citadel,
8 Opinion is now unanimous, I think, that the "'island park" lies on the
so-called "promontory" that juts out in the Topaveva west of the citadel
and on which are now situated the rest house and the bungalow of the
Archaeological Survey. For the ruins of the Promontory see the plan ASC.
1901 (=L1II. 1907). For the bathing-house in the Dlpnyyana cf. EJ5. II.
143.
9 1. o. "white house", to be taken as a proper name.
4 The meaning ofpaticita in unknown, Skr. virtta (cf, Kautaliya 2,2.1)
a (fenced-in) pasture,
5 L e. "swing pavilion*1.78. 123
ParaJclcamabahu I 15
furnished with a swing hung with tiny pretty golden bells. The garden
was further resplendent with the vimana called 117 Kilamanxlapa1 where
the king at the head of the sport officials connoisseurs of the merry
mood2, was wont to amuse himself. And it was for ever embellished by the
so-called Sanimaodapa3 118 which consisted of ivory, and again by another
(marjclapa), the superb so-called Moramandapa4 and also by the
Adasamaiidapa5 119 whose walls consisted of mirrors. There too
the bathing 120 pond Anantapokkharanl6 with its stones whose layers
resembled tlie coils of (the serpent king) Ananta, continually captivated
the people. There the bathing pond CittapokkharanI7 with 121 its gay
pictures rejoiced the foe-suhduer Parakkamablhu, the royal sage.
Resplendent there was a four-storeyed, peerless 122 palace, painted with
various pictures and bearing the name Singaravimana8. The garden
was adorned with tala and 128 Mntala palms, was resplendent with
naga and punnaga trees and was rich in banana, kanj^ikara and kanikara
trees9.
1 I. e. "play pavilion" or "games pavilion".
2 P. Jiassarasa = ski*, lidsyarasa. On the theory of the rasas s. note
to 72. 94.
3 The name might mean "pavilion of (the planet) Saturn". The Col. Ed.
reads against the MSS. Sanimandapa which would mean "carpet pavilion,
pavilion of the curtains".
4 I. e. "peacock pavilion".
5 1, e, "mirror pavilion1'.
6 Ananta is here the name of the world serpent Sesa (see HOPKINS, Epic
Mythology 23?24). It is also called Anantabhoga, and it would be possible
to insert this name also here in anantabhogasamJtasasamniresasild (instead
of "coils of the a"), W. seems to do this. But then it is not clearly
indicated in what the comparison consists. In my opinion the steps
surrounding the pond were laid somewhat in this form:
7 I. e. "picture pond".
8 P. rhnanam siiujdra^addapulfban^ lit. a vimana in which the word sihgara
(Skr. nrngara, "ornament, love, a particular rasa") stands in front (of
the name). Pukba is used here instead of the customary ddi Inote to 44.
6).
9 The botanical names are in the same order; 1. borassus
flabelli-forrois, 2. phoenix paludosa, 8. mesua ferrea, 4. rottlera
tinctoria, 5. tnufta sapientum» 6. pterospernum acerifolium, 7. premna
spinosa (*?). -?? Verse*16
ParaTcJcamabdhu I 73. 124
124 Now there was in the palace of the Monarch of all races of
rulers, among those belonging to the closest of his followers, a man named
Mahinda. He was a worshipper of the triad
125 of the Jewels1, understood what was blessed and unblessed, was wise,
pure in heart, versed in the means of accomplishing
126 many meritorious actions, never went astray through lust,
hatred, fear or delusion, was never satiated with the fulness2 of goodness,
as little as the ocean by the (streaming in of
127 the) waters. He was gifted with conscientiousness and modesty,
attacked ever with brave courage and was a discerning guar-
128 djan of moral discipline. Now this man with the favour of
the sublime Monarch who was ever a helper in all (good)
129 enterprises, caused a pasada to be built for the honour of the
sacred Tooth Relic which was pure by its suffusion with the nectar of the
eighty-four thousand portions of the doctrine.
130 The same (pasada) was embellished by a roofing and doors and
windows of gold and was resplendent with numerous
181 paintings within and without. It gleamed with canopies of various
colours like a golden mountain surrounded by a net
182 of lightning. It was resplendent with curtains which glistened in
brilliancy, and with a series of couches covered with costly
133 coverings. It was like to a dwelling of the goddess of beauty,
glorious as if all the grace found in each living being were
184 concentrated in one spot3. It was resplendent with its vast,
charming hall of the moon, which was wonderfully beautiful, white as light,
or as pearl ornaments, or as geese, or as snow,
185 or as a cloud. Banners were fixed on it, it was fair, with
gilded summit, bright, calling forth delight, beautiful4.
113 ? 123 again form one sentence -which must be analysed according to note
to v. 96. According to the description in this passage, the garden must
have been full of buildings. Tiiat would fit the '"promontory" on which
there are many ruins, amongst others those of a bathing-pond.
1 See note to 46, 17.
2 P. ogheHi lit by the floods.
:i The sentence must be construed thus: dedaam viya Siriyd jutantam iiH
dclindhdrinam rumnneyyukum (what is gracious = grace) r??/«
4 The ver.se,s 124 to 135 are one sentence. The subject Is Ma-73.144
ParaJckamcibahu t
i?
Further the King, the sole banner of the stem of the 136 nobility,
possessed a dear consort who had come forth, rejoicing the eyes of the
people, as the moon (rises) from the ocean, from (the house of)
the great king Kittisirimegha1, 137 who loved him, the highest of
rulers, as Sita (loved) Kama. Amongst all the ladies of the harem, many
hundreds in number, 138 she was by far his best loved. She loved the
triad of the 139 jewels and beyond her own husband who was like to the King
of the gods (Indra), she cared for none even as much as grass whoever he
might be. She did what the Lord of men wished, 140 had friendly speech,
was adorned with the ornament of many virtues such as faith, discipline
and the like, was skilful in 141 dance and song, possessed an
intelligence (sharp) as the point of the kusa grass, her heart was ever
cooled by the practice of the virtue of pity2. She, the
Queen Rupavati, most 142 beauteous of beauteous women, the clever, the
virtuous, pure in action, the highly-famed, mindful of the doctrine of the
Victor 143 which teaches of impermanency, had learned many sayings of the
great Sage and kept them in her memory, as for instance "Short is the life
of the lamentable men; the pious man should 144 live as if his head were in
flames; there is no escape from
hindand-mdko (v. 127 c)? predicate and object are bdresi pdsddam. Verses
124?127 contain the attributes to the subject, verses 130?134 (after an
adverbial In 128, 129) the attributes to the object pdsddam. It is to be
noted that nothing is said about the spot where this temple of
the Tooth Relic was built. A. M. HOGART assumes that it must have stood in
the Dlpuyyana, since the kings used to keep the sacred relic near the
palace. He says (Memoirs ASC. II. 4): -"Perhaps that puzzling
structure called'the Mausoleum, without doors or windows niay be the temple
in question." V. 130 seems on the other hand to contradict
this. However the Tooth Relic was in Rohana in the early times of
Parakkama. Its recapture is first described in the following chapter,
If then Mahinda's building was to serve for the keeping of it, its
recapture was either actually expected or the structure belongs to the time
after the close of the campaign described in Chap. 74. Cf. also 74. 198 ff.
1 This seems to be the king of that name mentioned in 41. 65. The name of
the queen is given in v. 142.
2 Cf. above v. 41 with the note.18
ParalckamabdJiu I 73.145
145 death"1. Thus as she knew the short-lived nature of beings who
wander about the ocean of existences, and as she knew that there was no
firm hold there that could compare with
146 meritorious works, so she was unwearied in much well-doing, and as
thereby she achieved her speedy escape from the cycle
147 (of rebirths) she built in the midst of the town a vast golden thupa2,
as it were a golden ship to reach the saving shore of Nirvana.
148 Further in this beautiful town the all-wise (king) had
different kinds of streets laid down, many hundreds in number, adorned with
many thousands of dwellings of two, three and
149 more storeys and provided with various bazaars where all
wares were to be had and in which day by day there was
150 incessant traffic of elephants, horses and chariots ? (streets) which
were here and there enlivened by people who were ever indulging in great
games.
151 Then he laid down in the vicinity three suburbs called
152 Rajavesibhujanga, Eajakulantaka and Vijita, adorned with
three three-storeyed pasadas which possessed every excellence
153' and every beauty, and crowned by three vihlras which were 154 named
Veluvana, Isipatana and Kusinara3. But between the
1 The strophe is taken from Samyutta 4.9.5 (= 1.108). It is worth noting
that in S. the Sinhale?e MSS. have in the same way as here in the
Mh\\«. the reading Itileyyanam, whereas the parallel to the preceding
strophe require? Meyya nnni, which seems to be the Burmese reading. There
can of course be no question of our correcting the passage, since the
author without doubt followed the Sinhalese tradition, though erroneous, In
its proper form the translation of the quotation runs: . . . "Short is the
life of man, the pious man will despise it, lie will live as if etc. et<01
2 H. C. P. BELL iASC. 1909 == VI. 1014, p. 6! has already identified this
with the thupa of th** so-called Pabulii-vehera, situated within the
ramparts, thus in the town itself and in its northeastern part.
3 In the account 78. 79 if. the three s&khrinatjara are nilled L R a j 11
v e s i-bhujaiiga, 2. Slhupura unstead of Rajakulantakal uml 3. Vijita an*!
the viharas built in them are given in order as Isipatuna tin II, Kusinara
(in S» ami Veluvana tin 31. I believe the designation
Ittlj
royal palace and the three towns the monarch had built at a distance of a
gavuta1 from each other, charming sermon houses and image chapels2 and
splendid viharas adorned with rest- ^1 houses for bhikkhus from all four
regions of the heavens.
In the town Pulatthi(nagara) by name furnished thus with 156 all
accessories and provided with every luxury, like to a garden made
beautiful by union with the joy of spring, which he 157 himself
enlarged so that it was four gavutas long and seven gavutas3 broad, which
bore his name ? the beauteous one ? 158 which possessed a splendid wreath
of walls, which was resplendent with fair dwellings, which contained
large as well as small streets, which was an elixir for the eyes ? (in this
town) 159 the Lord of men who was like to Parimdada (Indra), who was
skilled in the preserving of all advantages, those not yet achieved 160 and
those already achieved, had fourteen gates erected: the superb King's
Gate4, the beautiful Lion Gate, the great Ele- 161 phant Gate, further
the Indra Gate, the gate called after Hanumant5, the lofty Kuvera
Gate, the brightly painted Candi Gate, as well as the Rakkhasa Gate6, the
high-towering Ser- 162
town of the same name mentioned In Mhvs. 7. 45 is quite unhistorical. But
it is not impossible that the suburb was named after that town. The three
monasteries were called after especially sacred places: ... Velu-vana after
the park near Rajagaha which was given to Buddha by Ana-thapindika;
Isipatana after the park in Benares where Buddha preached his first
sermon,; and Kusinara after the place where he entered Nirvana. For
Veluvana see below note to 78. 87.
1 Of. 78. 91, 85. 20. According to the Kautallya 2. 20 a gdvuta (skr.
gavyuta or goruta) would be.the equivalent of 1/4 yojana (cf. note to 38.
68 and lj p. 849) that is, if the Indian yojana as is likely, is the
standard of measurement, a little over two miles (according to the Buddhist
yojana the half of that).
2 P. saddhammapatimdgliare = saddhammaghare patimaghare ca.
3 If we reckon the gdvnta as over two miles then what is meant here could
not possibly be the city with its ramparts alone which reached nothing'
like these dimensions, but the outlying open town as well.
4 For the King's Gate, rajadeara, see note to 74. 199.
5 The monkey king, Rama's ally in his campaign against Ravana, king of
Lanka.
6 For Kuvera see note to 37. 106, for the rakkhasas note to 39. 34. Candi
(the same in Skr.) is a. name of* the goddess Durga, wife of Siva.
2*20 Pardkkamdbahu 1
73.163
pent Gate and the resplendent Water Gate, further the Garden
163 Gate and the beautiful Maya Gate1, the Mahatittha Gate2, and the
splendid Gandhabba Gate3.
164 In this manner did King Parakkamababu who possessed the
firmness of the king of the mountains, whose intelligence was sharp as the
thunderbolt, make the aforetime small town of Pulatthinagara which had
suffered by many wars, splendidly adorned as the city of the Tavatimsa
gods.
Here ends the seventy-third chapter, called «Account of the Rebuilding
of Pulattliinagara», in the Mahavanisa, compiled for the serene joy
and elcnotion of the pious.
1 Maya is the name of the mother of Gotama Buddha.
2 Through this gate ran in all probability the road leading to
Anura-dhapura, and from here to the well known port Mahatittha on the
western shore of Ceylon.
3 P. gandhabbft = Skr. gandharva, denotes a group of semi-divine beings
who are regarded as the heavenly musicians. They are the male counterpart
of the acchara, the nymphs.ParaJcJcamdbaJiu I
21
CHAPTER LXXIV
ACCOUNT OF THE FESTIVAL OF THE TOOTH RELIC
With the idea that the original capital1 Ariuradhapura 1 which" had
been utterly destroyed in every way by the Cola army, was specially
deserving of honour, since its soil was 2 hallowed while he lived2 by
the feet of the Master, distinguished by the wheel with its
thousand spikes and its rim, and because it was the place where the
southern branch of 3 the sacred Bodhi tree (was planted) and where
a donas of relics was preserved ? (with this idea) the Lord of men be- 4
gan to take in hand its restoration. Hereupon the discerning 5 Lord of
men summoned a high dignitary and instructed him in accordance with his
wishes. The latter accepted the charge 6 without disregarding it in
any way, with bent head, made obeisance with clasped hands, betook
himself to Anuradhapura 7 and himself acquainted with the appropriate
action, began to carry out to the uttermost the king's command. Within
the 8 compass of the capital of the former kings the skilled one
restored within a short time the large and the small wralls, the
streets, the pasadas and the gate towers, the charming 9
1 P. mulct? ajadharii. The word rnula0 has a twofold meaning, that of
"original1* (as for Instance In mnlabhdsd "primitive language") and that of
,,first" (to which everything else goes back, as in mfildmaccd "first
dignitary"), of "important", "pre-eminent".
2 According to the legend the Buddha also visited the site of the future
Anuradhapura daring his three sojourns in Lanka. The picture of the wheel
on the sole of the foot is one of the 32 great bodily marks ?of a
mahaj)urisa (see D. II. 17), who will either become a great world ruler or
a Buddha.
3 A measure of capacity used specially for corn* Skr. drona.22
PardkJcamabdhu I
74.10
bathing-ponds and the delightful gardens as they had been
10 formerly; also the cetiyas of the three fraternities, the Malia-cetiya
and the others, as well as the numerous viharas such
11 as the Lohapasada and the like, as well as the pasada serving him as
dwelling, with its gates, bastions and towers, with its
12 royal courtyard, and embellished with a charming moon
chamber, and brought it about that the whole town furnished
13 with these and other marvellous works was as aforetime. Thus he had
the buildings set up by many former kings repaired
14 in haste by one of his dignitaries. For all wishes are fulfilled for
the wise who partake of the harvest of good deeds
accumulated in many existences.
15 Hereupon the all-wise (Prince) laid the foundations of the town
called Parakkarna(pura)1. It was furnished with gates
16 and towers, with walls, moats, streets, pasadas and shops and adorned
with parks which were embellished with pasadas, erected there
for the shelter of many hundreds of bhikkhus
17 who strove after moral discipline and other virtues. It was superb,
prosperous and wealthy like Alakamanda, the town of the gods, and ever
crowded with people.
18 Then he issued orders as to the way in which the officials
appointed over the various districts of the island of Sihala
19 should collect without loss the taxes levied on each district without
oppressing the people in their particular territory.
20 Further in every month on the four Uposatha days, in ponds and all
other places in the island of Lanka for all creatures
1 A Parakkamapura is mentioned in 72, 151. It must have been situated in
Dakkhinadesa. If that u the town meant here, k&rftjjcsi in v. 17 can only
refer to its restoration and embellishment. Moreover Pulatthinagara itself
bore the name of Parakkamapura. It was according to 73, 157
ttttan&mahkittij just as under Vijayabahu J. it was called according to the
Velakkura Inscr. (EZ. II. 246), Vijayarajapura. I consider it not
improbable that verses 15 to 17 also refer to Pulatthinagara and its
restoration, and that the compiler who found the two names in different
sources, referred them erroneously to two different towns, Whut he tells us
of this Parakkamapura is in any case nothing more than the usual customary
phrases. PSjav. and Rajav. say nothing about the founding of a town
1'arakkamapuni.74.33 Parakkamabahu I
23
without exception, such as game,'fish and the like, living on 21 dry land
and in the water he commanded safety (of life), he who was himself
threatened by no peril.
Now in the province of Rohana numerous vassals after 22 the death
of the Monarch Manabhara^a, deviated from the right way1. Not knowing
the character of King Parakkama, 23 and harassed in their hearts by fear
they did not make their appearance before the Sovereign. As they thought
again and again 24 of their own shortcomings their terror was in course of
time redoubled. They knew in truth quite well that the great 25
courage of that lion-like King could not be surpassed by others: all they
thought of was that not a day's life would remain 26 to them once the union
of the kingdom had taken place2, but they thought not at all of the
further course (of events). With speeches like this: ushall we ever
permit a hostile army 27 even to set eyes on our country with its
rivers, mountains and ravines?'1 they brought all the inhabitants of
the pro- 28 vince under their influence and betook themselves to the
Queen-mother Sugala3. "Thy grief, o Queen, called forth by Mana- 29
bhara^a's death, shall not torment thy heart as it pleases. Who then
so long as we are in life, shall enter this our land 30 with its many
inaccessible fastnesses?" With such like and 31 similar words they
persuaded the Queen and all united, they built at each difficult
spot as far as the frontier of the 32 country, numerous
fortifications, 'which were immovable even by elephants, had trenches dug
everywhere, placed there barri- 33
1 P. nigfjatikd. The translation is uncertain. In Skr. nirgali does not
occur in literature. W. "were brought to great distress . . . and had
become utterly helpless." I start from- the fundamental meaning "to go out
of, I. e. tlie right way.
2 P. ratthe samjatasavivaddhe. I believe that samvaddha = Skr. sam-irddha
stands here as so often, in place of the abstract, as only in that case Is
the proper construction of the cqmpound possible. The onion of the kingdom
consists in the incorporation of Rohana. The vassals fear that in such an
event they will not escape justice.
3 The consort of Sirivallabha (59. 45) and mother of the younger
Manabhararsa.24 ParaMamaMhu I
14.34
cades of briars sharp-pointed as iron, made the roads in-
34 accessible with felled and fallen trees. Thereupon all the soldiers
native to the province, thousands in number rebelled
35 and took up their place everyone In one of the big strongholds, girded
for fight, well armed with offensive and defensive
36 weapons, full of violence, with strong forces1. The Queen
Sugala who had not a mind capable of reflection and was
37 inclined herself by nature to evil, let the fatal words of these people
influence her. She made over to them the great pos-
38 sessions of pearls, jewels and the like over which she had control,
as well as the rich treasures belonging to the Tooth and Alms-bowl Relics
as if she were throwing them into the
39 fire, gave them office, ignorant of the right and the wrong occasion,
and began herself through them to start the revolt.
40 When the Lord of men Parakkama whose courage was hardly to
be surpassed, heard of these events he smiled gaily
41 and joyously. He summoned his general Rakkha by name, a war-tried
man, told him how matters stood exactly as he
42 had heard of them and spake to him (thus): "Arise in haste, quench
thoroughly the forest fire of the hostile army which
43 has broken out with a rain shower of arrows, appoint people whom it is
necessary to appoint, to keep the country in order and come again quickly."
Thereupon he sent him off with strong forces.
44 Now the Slhala and Kerala (mercenaries) dwelling in
Kotthasara2 banded themselves together with the Velakkara
45 force3 and took counsel together: "The Lord of men has sent forth many
famous warriors together with high dignitaries to
1 Verses 22?35 form one sentence. The subject in xawunttl in 22 which ia
again repeated by yodha in 34. The predicate is Hisliliwsu.
All the other verbs are gerunds with which are co-ordinated participles
referring to the subject? or absolute locatives.
* The place lies not far from Pulutthinagara in an easterly (south- or
north-easterly) direction (nee ntfte to 01. 4S|. According to our pas.sage,
it seems to have been a garrison for mercenaries.
3 For the Keralas see note to 53,1), for the Velakkaras note to 60. 36. It
is plain from our passage tbat the Veltikkarus were a troop of (Dravidian)
mercenaries.74.53 Parakkamabahu I
25
take Rohana; let as meanwhile take possession of Rajarattha." And they all
of one accord began the war. King Parakkama- 46 balm before whom every
sovereign bowed, sent some digni- 47 taries who were heroes thither
with fitting army and train. He had those slain who deserved it,
granted several villages 48 to those inhabitants living under a common
selfgovernment, had a number of other villages made into such as were de-
49 signed for the royal use1 and free himself from fear2 of any kind, he
made an end of fear of the foe.
But after the general Rakkha had with bowed head, pro- 50 strate, received
the command of the Great King he marched, the highly-famed hero, from
Pulatthinagara, betook himself 51 to the locality named Barabbala3 and
halted there. When the 52 whole of the forces in Rohaua together with the
inhabitants of the province4 received news, in accordance with the facts,
of his gradual approach, they came to the decision: "as long 53 as we are
in life we shall not permit him to cross the fron-
1 It is plain from this passage that certain villages had been assigned to
the mercenaries for usufruct. In addition to the execution of their
ringleaders (48a b) they are now punished by the withdrawal of such
villages which means a decrease in their revenues. Of the villages taken
away some are allotted to peasant holders as communal property (gcma),
others are declared royal property. 1 do riot believe therefore, that W. is
right in translating gana by "assemblies of monks". 0-ana here is rather
the technical, administrative term (skr, the same, cf. BE. s. v. gana
8). For mediaeval village constitution in Ceylon on which this passage
throws a side-light, see H. W. CODRINGTON, H C. p. 45 if.
2 P. bhaya includes the two concepts: fear (subjective) and danger
(objective). Cf. above v. 21.
3 H. W. CODRINGTON discusses the campaigns described in. 74. 50 ff. in
his "Notes on Ceylon Topography in the twelfth century" II. Unfortunately
the place names mentioned in verses 50?78 cannot be determined.
Later details show however, that this part of the campaign, took place in
the districts .on the right bank of the Mahaveligaoga, mainly in Bintenne
and the adjoining regions. Barabbala, Kantakavana, Ambalala, Sava,
Divacandantabatava, Kimsukavatthu, VatarakkhatthalT, Dathavaddhana and
Sahodara are unknown.
4 P. mah&camu and ratthav&sino: contrast beetween the regular army and the
militia.26 Paraklcawabaliu I
74.54
54 tier of our kingdom and enter here", and with great fury, recking
nothing of their life, they marched to the same place
55 intent on the opening of hostilities. Thereupon the general Rakkha
gave this army fearful battle, slew many soldiers,
56 broke through the trees which they had felled and flung across the
road, and with large forces reached the place called
57 Kantakavana1. He fought with the hostile army that had taken up
its position there by the building of a stronghold,
58 broke through the fortifications, forced an entrance and after robbing
many thousand warriors of their life, he marched
59 farther and came to the place called Arnbalala. He offered battle to
the army stationed there, broke through the strong-
60 hold there and made the whole battlefield full of flesh and blood.
Then he marched from there farther, broke through
61 the strong fortification of Sava and slew many soldiers. Beyond this
lay the forest Divacandantabatava hemmed in on
62 both sides of the accessible road by high mountains, and where just at
its heart the road was endangered and all traffic made impossible by many
huge trees which they had felled and
63 thrown down. In this forest from one to two gavutas In extent the
hostile army had laid down one behind the other seven very inaccessible
fortifications whose stout gates were not to
64 be shaken even by rutting elephants. Against this army that had firmly
determined: "we shall in no case permit him to enter as he thinks fit
into any single stronghold occupied by
65 us2" he delivered for several months day and night terrible
66 battles and while he slaughtered many thousands of warriors together
with their leaders, the general Rakkha with large forces took up a
position on the spot3.
1 1. e. ''Thorn wood". The part, chindanto ia parallel with mtirento in 55
e, cMndltcd is subordinate to the part, piitite. Cf.
chiHHaj_Ht