Who readeth much, and never meditates,
Is like the greedy eater"of much food,
Who1 so surcloys his stomach with his rates,
That commonly they do him little good,
?JOSHUA SYLVESTER*Pronounce C in Culavamsa and in all Pali words
as ch in church-, thus: Chulavangsa.fail 'ffiqct'
TRANSLATION SERIES, No. 18
1929: EXTRA VOLUME, PRICE IDS.
CULAVAMSA
BEING THE MORE RECENT PART OF THE
MAMAVAMSA
PART I.
TRANSLATED BY
WILHELM GEIGER
AND "FROM THE GERMAN INTO ENGLISH BY
Mrs. C MABEL RICKMERS (nee Duff)
AUTHOR OP "THE CHRONOLOGY OF INDIA"
UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT
OF CEYLON
PUBLISHED FOR THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY
B¥
HUMPHREY M1LFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN HOUSE
WARWICK SQUARE, E.C.
? 1929Printed by Academy Printer F. Straub, Munich.To
Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids
in sincere veneration
and friendship
W. G.FOBEWORD
On completing the first volume of my translation of the
Culavamsa, I feel it to be my duty above all to tender my
most hearty thanks to the Government of Ceylon for the
opportunity it gave me of visiting the Island before beginn-
ing my work. In Colombo Mr. M. A., YOUNG, at that time
First Assistant Colonial Secretary, arranged matters for me in
the kindest manner.
My thanks are no less due to my esteemed colleagues in
England whose friendly advocacy and recommendation did so
much towards furthering affairs.
Without the journey which took me into all parts of the
Island, I should have been without that vivid idea of the
country and the people which is necessary for the understand-
ing of their history. Without it too, I should have lost that
mass of information and the stimulating intercourse which
met me in Ceylon from the most varied quarters.
I mention in the first place with special pleasure and
sincere gratitude the present Archaeological Commissioner,
Mr. A. M. HOCAET, whose lively and intelligent interest in my
aims and tasks I shall always remember, as well as that of
his temporary representative, Mr. SUDBUEY. In their company
I was able to visit a series of important ruins partly in very
out of the way places, and so familiarize myself with some
of the most pressing questions connected with ancient Sinhalese
architecture.
In the same way I owe warm thanks to Mr. H. W. CODEINGTON.
Himself the greatest authority on the history and mediaeval
topography of Ceylon, he ga?e me much help and ready en-
Acouragement, as a glance at the notes to my translation will
show.
Mr. P. E. PIEBIS also smoothed many a path for me and
to his good offices I owe many a valuable connection. Of my
old friends I may mention lastly in this place the indefatigable
Mudaliyar A. M. GUNASEKABA. I must add however, that
wherever I came, new Sinhalese friends ? amongst others
I may mention Ratemahatmaya BIBILE ? gave me willing and
active support.
My principle in working has been to make my translation
approach as closely as possible to the original. We must as
far as is practicable, know exactly what the chroniclers say.
The aesthetic value of the Culavamsa as a literary work is
small. The carrying out of this principle has been made
more difficult by the fact that the German text has had to
be re-translated into English. I am however greatly indebted
to my co-worker, Mrs. C. Mabel RICKMEBS, for most kindly
making my principle her own, in doing which I believe her
to have achieved full success.
One difficulty met with by every translator of an Indian
text lies in the multitude of the synonyms. It is impossible
for us to imitate them. Consider for a moment the many
terms for "King". In order to be as fair as possible to the
conditions of the original, we have reserved, though with
occasional exceptions, the translation "King" for rajan. Com-
binations with pati (like dhammpati etc.) we have rendered
by "ruler", those with pa or pdla (like bhumipa etc.) by "mo-
narch", other terms by "sovereign". That proper names with
variants such as ParaJckamdbaku and -Muja have been unified
will probably meet with approval.
The second volume will contain a detailed chronological
introduction with a list of the kings, as well as a full index.
As the German text is almost finished and the English render-
ing already in progress, we should not now have to wait long
for the completion of the whole work.
The last ten chapters it is true, are not an unmixed joy
for the translator. The language is faulty, the style clumsy,o-<£
III £-0
often very stilted. Instead of the long-winded, stereotyped
descriptions of festivals and bounties, one would like to hear
more of those outward events which just in the 16th, 17th
and 18th centuries shook the old Sinhalese kingdom to its
foundations. To make good the omissions of the Chronicle
here would mean writing a new history of Ceylon. This has
already been done by more competent scholars and where it
seemed desirable, I have referred to their works in my notes.
Lastly I would ask the reader before using the book, to
be kind enough to consult the appendices and to take note
of corrections and also of emendations in the original text.
Munich-Neubiberg
November 1928INTRODUCTION
As to the credibility of the Culavamsa: the history of
Parakkamabahu's youth
The question of the credibility of the Culavamsa cannot
be answered with a simple yes or no. It is somewhat more
complicated than that of the more ancient Mahavamsa whose
author kept more closely and I might say, more naively to
his source. One thing is certain: the compiler of the first
part of the Culavamsa (chaps. 37-79) with which I am at
present dealing, did not consciously relate what was false.
What he tells us is drawn from his own knowledge, as derived
from his sources and his personal conviction. That much
valuable material is contained therein is shown by the way
in which various statements are confirmed by inscriptions. In
the notes to my translation I have repeatedly referred to these
corroborations of the Culavamsa. Moreover statements in one
part of the work are frequently confirmed by passages in
another part. How remarkably for instance, do the geo-
graphical data in chaps. 65-67 regarding the flight of Prince
Parakkamabahu from Sankhatthali in Dakkhi^adesa correspond
with those in chaps. 70 and 72 in the description of the cam-
paign against Rajarattha. CODHINGTON has shown that plainly
enough.
But two points must be borne in mind. The compiler ?
let us call him DhammakittI ? was after all a bhikkhu and
the sources of which he made* use were written by bhikkhus,the records
forming the foundation were written down in the
spirit and in the interests of the Buddhist Church. They were
in the main apparently jwnnapottfidkani (cf. Mhvs. 32. 25)
that is registers of meritorious works by which the prince
had furthered the Church (sasana) and the laity (lolca). About
such things therefore we are particularly well informed. We
hear of the viharas built by the king, of the repairs he had
had undertaken on the more ancient buildings, of his bounty
to the needy, the poor and the sick and above all to the
priesthood. Of much however, equally Interesting if not more
interesting to the historian we hear nothing at all. It is these
gaps of which one has a growing consciousness without being-
able to lay one's finger with certainty on them, which con-
stitute the chief lack in the narrative of the Culavamsa. Not
what is said but what is left unsaid is the besetting diffi-
culty of Sinhalese history.
To take but one example ? how explain the fact that of
so mighty a work as the fortress of Slgiri not a single detail
is described ? Even the name is only mentioned in four places.
And yet this is perhaps the most magnificent building of which
Ceylon can boast. It is not impossible that the personality
of Kassapa I. might appear in a different light if a layman
and not a priest had been the author of the chronicle.
I must repeat here that not the least doubt is thrown on
Dhammakitti's good faith by such criticisms. They merely
point out the range of Ideas by which his work was condition-
ed and restricted.
It is of course dear that it was not solely of such punndni
that Dhammakitti's sources and tradition had to tell. We hear
also of secular proceedings1 with which often enough the
"meritorious works" of the princes were connected. But it is
indisputable that what the Culavamsa had above all in mind
was the relation of the king to the church. This relation
fills so large a space in the narrative that if we follow it
1 That the Sinhalese kings had records kept of the events of their
reigns Is clear from 59. 7-9,-<3 YI o~»
alone the history of Ceylon takes on a hue not quite in keep-
ing with fact. Unfortunately we are not in a position to fill
up satisfactorily the gaps in the historical tradition. Later
Sinhalese writings are not essentially different in character
and the inscriptions which would undoubtedly be our best
source, are unfortunately occupied almost entirely with ec-
clesiastical matters. Nevertheless certain of these give much
desired confirmation of purely secular events mentioned in the
Culavamsa. Their importance for its chronology will be dealt
with later.
A. further point. Already Mahanama the author of the
older Mahavamsa, was fain to create a Tcavya, an artificial
poem, and he was no stranger to the rules of alamkara. But
this is true in a still higher degree of Dhammakitti. He
was a man of literary culture. I believe I have proved in the
notes to my translation of 66. 129 if. that he must have been
acquainted with Indian Niti literature, perhaps with its chief
work, the Arthasastra of Kau|alya. These literary reminiscences
were of course not without influence on his attitude towards
historical events and persons.
Above all is this true of the personality of Parakkamabahu.
I should like to -elaborate this point further. For Bishop
COPLESTON is perfectly right in regarding the history of Para-
kkama as the real kernel, the main subject of the Culavamsa,
especially of the first part which was the work of Dhamma-
kitti, and in speaking of a Parakkama epic1.
Now if we look closely at the figure of Parakkamabahu
as it meets us in the Culavamsa, especially at the period before
he achieved universal sovereignty, we find ourselves faced by
a series of contradictions and improbabilities. We are con-
vinced that things did not happen historically in that way.
Nor is it possible to form a harmonious and credible picture
of the single acts attributed to the youthful Parakkama.
The explanation lies in DhammakittPs conception of the
way in which his task was to be achieved. From literary
1 JEAS. C. B. nr. 44, 1893, p. 60 ff.o-<«3 YII S-o
sources, from what he had read he drew an ideal picture of
an Indian king. The man whose glorification was his aim
must correspond to this picture. He must have all the quali-
ties belonging to an Indian king and employ all the methods
of statecraft which political science prescribes or recommends.
All these individual traits the compiler combines with the data
furnished by tradition, without question as to probability or
improbability of these.
According to the Culavamsa the youth of Parakkama was
passed somewhat as follows:
Parakkamabahu is the son of the eldest of the three
brothers Manabhara^a, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha who
rule over Dakkhi^adesa and Rohai^a in opposition to Vikkama-
bahu who holds the royal dignity in virtue of his possession
of Rajarattha with its capital Pulatthinagara. Parakkama's
father Manabharaija has retained as his share the important
province of Dakkhinadesa, Roha^a is divided between the two
younger brothers.
The birth of the prince is accompanied by all kinds* of
miraculous phenomena. Vikkamabahu is informed of it and
wishes to bring the boy up at his court in order to make
him his heir instead of his own son. Manabhara^a, however,
refuses and dies soon after of a disease. Thereupon his next
brother, Kittisirimegha takes over Dakkhinadesa and leaves
the whole of Rohana to the youngest, Sirivallabha who brings
Manabhara^a's widow Ratanavali, her two daughters Mitta
and Pabhavati and the youthful Parakkama to take up their
abode in his capital of Mahanagahula. Meanwhile Vikkama-
bahu also dies and is succeeded in Rajarattha by his son
Gajabahu who maintains himself against Kittisirimegha and
Sirivallabha.
The youthful Parakkama finds no scope in Roha^a, so he
betakes himself to his uncle in Dakkhinadesa who receives
him joyfully. He lives with him in the chief locality of the
country SaiikhatthalL He finishes his education and Ms com-
ing of age is celebrated with festivities. The Senapati Sankha
who was stationed in Badalatthali, is entrusted with theo~<3 Till
£-e
preparations for the festival. Sirivallabha dies in Rolia^a and
is succeeded by his son, the younger ? Manabharaija.
Parakkama's ambition finds no satisfaction in Dakkhinadesa.
He hankers after the royal dignity in Rajarattha and deter-
mines to go thither and discover conditions for himself. Of
dissensions between the prince and his uncle there is never
any word. On the contrary, the fiction is constantly upheld
that Kittisirimegha is tenderly attached to his nephew, and
that it is only fear of the dangers involved which makes him
discourage the visit to Rajarattha.
So the prince leaves Sankhafcthali secretly and comes first
to Badalatthali where he has the Senapati Sankha killed be-
cause he had informed1 the king of Parakkama's flight. He
then goes northwards to Buddhagama not far from the borders
of Rajarattha. The inhabitants of the country make repeated
efforts to check the prince's advance but he repulses all such
attempts by force of arms.
Parakkama's uncle meanwhile, alarmed at his nephew's
disappearance, consults with his ministers (66. 57 ff.) and sends
a strong force to fetch him back. But it is ambushed by the
prince and completely routed. He even pursues the pursuers
(66. 82 ff.) and surprises them by a night assault in Khiravapi.
After repulsing a countre attack he proceeds to cross the
frontiers of Rajarattha.
Gajabahu is apparently greatly alarmed but puts a good
face on the matter and greets the guest through messengers
with gifts, marches to meet him in person and fetch him to
the capital.
During his sojourn in Pulatthinagara Parakkamabahu en-
meshes the town and its surroundings in a net of espionage
1 The compiler is obviously at a loss to account for Parakkama's
action. In 65. 35 fF. the afair is so described as if circumstances had
driven the prince to it, but he had already (v. 21 ff.) declared Ms in-
tention of committing an extraordinary deed ? the allusion can only
be to the removal of Saiikha ? by which his courage and determination
would be proved. Thus even Dhammakitti admits that the action was
deliberately planned.o-<*3 IX £-0
(66. 129 ff.). He goes the. length of wedding his sister
Bhaddavati to King Gajabahu in order to lull his suspicions.
He himself keeps her dowry, or at least the greater part of
it, in-his own hands.
Eventually however, the prince has fears that Grajabahu
may see through his intentions and he leaves the town se-
cretly at night to return to Dakkhinadesa (67. 32 ff.). During
this flight he meets with all kinds of adventures in which
his personal courage is put to the test. Kittisirimegha is
delighted at the return of his nephew and sends messengers
to Saraggama to meet him. The prince however, hesitates ?
the reason is not given ? to enter the capital Sankhatthali.
His mother comes from Koha^a and persuades him to do so.
He is joyfully received by Kittisirimegha who dies shortly
afterwards when Parakkamabahu takes over the sovereignty
of the province.
What then is the character of Parakkamabahu if we follow
tradition? Here I go beyond the chapter whose contents I
have just sketched, the question is what kind of personality
had Dhammakitti in mind when he gave a poetical picture
of his hero. Of course he is extraordinarily fearless and
courageous. High-sounding words are put into his mouth.
With his weapon alone for which he calls, will he strike
terror into the foe (66. 31). He is capable alone of facing
all his enemies, as the lion needs no allies when he tears
elephants in pieces (72. 88). No one, not even the king of
the gods can cross the frontiers of his realm, so long as he
je in life (72. 154). Were he fain to seize the sovereignty in
Pulatthinagara, the wrinkling of his brows were sufficient
thereto (67. 12).
What then of the deeds? An action reminiscent of a feat
of Alexander the Great is described 66. 87 ff. during the attack
on Khiravapi. Parakkamabahu's people are unable to break
through the barricade of thorns which surrounds the place.
Thereupon he pierces it alone and announces his name with
resounding voice. That suffices to scatter the enemy in all
directions. The scene described 66. 104 may also be mentionedhere. But the
narratives of the courage displayed by the
prince against a she-bear that attacked him in the wilderness
(67. 41) and against a boar (67. 44), savour rather of an in-
vention of the author for elaborating the events and adorning
the poem. In contrast to these we have in the miraculous
story of the male elk (70. 33 ff.) which attacks Parakkama-
bahu during the chase and shedding his antlers directly in
front of him, falls to the ground, possibly a piece of ancient
tradition. Are we not told that the antlers with an inscrip-
tion describing the occurrence "are even now" preserved in
the royal treasury ?
In the great military engagements against Gajabahu and
still later against the revolt in Eohana Parakkamabahu keeps
completely in the background. It is his generals who carry
out his plans. Without doubt this tallies with the actual
conditions of the time. The heroic age of a Dutthagamani
belongs to the past and where Parakkamabahu is depicted as
a hero of this stamp we have, at least as a rule, to do with
the creations of poetic imagination, with literary ornamentation.
Highly characteristic is the episode described 72. 95 ff. where
it looks as if Parakkamabahu at a critical moment intended
to save the situation. He calls for his Sihala sword. But it
is not he who wields it but two of his officers whose efforts
at saving the position were only partially successful.
To place Parakkamabahu's courage in the best possible
light Dhammakitti makes use of two purely literary devices.
In his youth he is a harmless, almost childlike nature. He
takes pleasure in music, games and dancing (70. 30-31), even
on serious occasions where it seems to us almost inappropriate.
When he is attacked in Navagirisa by the pursuers sent by
his uncle, he is playing a game to which he had been
accustomed from childhood (66. 101), and when he has crossed
the frontiers of the "King's Province", Rajarattha, he devotes
himself for days to the local games (66. 111). When his
position is apparently most critical and his attendants take
flight he proudly conscious of his personal worth, has nothing
but a cheerful.smile (66. 30, 72. 99) even when as.after the*-$ XI e>-
death of the Adhikarin Rakkha (72. 87), it seems to us hardly
appropriate.
Again, what a brilliant contrast is Parakkamabahu's heroism
to the almost grotesque cowardice of his own people as also
of the enemy. When the inhabitants of Buddhagama prepare
to attack the prince, his own people flee in all directions
(66. 28). At the mere sound of his voice Kittisirimegha's
soldiers in Khiravapi take flight leaving behind their clothes
and weapons (66. 90). When attacked in Navagirisa his own
people flee to the wilderness without striking a blow (66.105)
and only meet again when they hear their ruler's voice. Be-
fore the she-bear and the elk the people take to their heels
leaving their prince in the lurch1.
Here Dhammakitti manifestly does his countrymen an in-
justice. The Sinhalese are perhaps not naturally a warlike
race, but they can hardly be so cowardly, so senselessly co-
wardly a they are here depicted. Against the Portuguese they at
times gave proof of a death-despising courage. In Parakkama-
bahu's times they were certainly not mere cravens. If the
poet paints them as such he does it so that the figure of his
hero should stand forth the more brilliantly against such a
background. The methods employed by Dhammakitti for
attaining this end, seem naive and clumsy enough, but we
must remember that he himself as a bhikkhu would have but
little idea or understanding of military matters.
The following is typical of Dhammakitti's standpoint.
During all the events described in 64 and the following
paricchedas it is deliberately stated that the relation between
Parakkamabahu and bis uncle Kittisirimegha was always one
of fatherly love on the one side and of deep gratitude on the
other. The prince himself stresses this with zeal 66. 12 ff.
And according to 67. 56 ff., 84 ff. the uncle welcomes the
return of his nephew from Pulatthinagara with heartfelt joy.
1 For us the description in 66. 47 ff. of how the Nagaragiri Gokanna
was seized with terror as the result of a dream sounds comical, almost
ludicrous. Breams however, had at that time for the Sinhalese a quite
peculiar significance, as indeed they still have.-<£ XII s~
The reason why the compiler holds so firmly to this fiction
is clear. The ideal figure of Parakkama must be protected
against the possible reproach, of ingratitude. The facts however,
will not tally with the fiction. Already the words put into
the uncle's mouth 66. 58 ff. throw a different light on their
relations. Then comes the brutal murder of the Senapati Sena
who was obviously a particularly loyal vassal of Kittisirimegha
to whom his death must have been a painful loss. Further
the fact that the prince had to fight his way through the
various provinces whose inhabitants obviously looked upon him
as somewhat of a rebel and traitor. Kittisirimegha himself
sends troops after the fugitive who scatters them in a series
of skirmishes. Without doubt the description of these fights
is accompanied by a great many exaggerations. Parakkama-
bahu cannot possibly come to Pulatthinagara at the head of
a whole army. But the spirit in which the accounts of these
conflicts are conceived is irreconcilable with the fiction of
untroubled relations between uncle and nephew.
Then finally the return of the prince to Datkhiftadesa
after Pulatthinagara had obviously become too hot to hold
him. We are forced to ask what made him delay so long at
the frontier (67. 59 ff.). The reason must have been his un-
certainty as to the reception he was likely to get from the
monarch. This explains too the part played here by Para-
kkamabahu's mother. She feels it to be her task to reconcile
the two or rather to induce the uncle to give his nephew a
favorable reception. She plays the part of mediator.
If now we consider dispassionately the facts as set forth
by the chronicle, leaving aside all the inaccuracies due to the
character and tendencies of the author, we get I believe a
quite intelligible picture of the youthful Parakkamabahu.
The most striking characteristic of the prince is his am-
bition and his activity. In Mahanagahula life with his mother
and sisters is too restricted. He dreams of great enterprises.
The union of the whole of Ceylon in his hand is the ideal
before him at this period. It is possible that his mother, the
proud Ratanavali (cf. S3. llff.) inspired him with these plansc-^2 XIII
£~-c
and fed them. At any rate it is the idea of greater possi-
bilities for his own activity which makes him leave Mahana-
gahula and betake himself to Dakkhinadesa to the court of
his uncle Kittisirimegha. That this province was politically
of more consequence than that of Kohana is clear from the
way in which the provinces were divided among the three
brothers, as I have shown above p. vn. Kittisirimegha has
no eligible son as his successor, he receives the young prince
therefore with open arms and the relation between uncle and
nephew was plainly for some time a friendly one. But it
changed. Owing to the bias of the chronicle, we have neither
knowledge nor means of judging of the details. The main
cause at any rate lay in the restless activity of the young
prince. It may be that Kittisirimegha himself felt uncertain
of him or that he feared being drawn by him into difficulties
with Grajabahu II., the king of Rajarattha. Parakkamabahu
will have realised himself that his position at the court of
Sankhatthali had become untenable. Accompanied by his
devoted attendants he flees from the town at night to betake
himself to King Gajabahu. Now we see that Parakkamabahu
is by no means the innocent youth described in the chronicle.
He shrinks from no deed of blood if it is in the interests of
his plans and of his own safety.
The murder of the Senapati Sankha seems hardly intelli-
gible if we accept the motive alleged for it by the chronicle.
The reality was certainly otherwise. We may assume that at
first the prince hoped to bring Kittisirimegha's powerful vassal
over to his own side. But Sankha remained true to his master.
The prince has now reason to fear that Sankha may seize
and deliver him up to the monarch. The danger for him is
great, for Kittisirimegha would doubtless look upon him as
a rebel and punish him as such. Thus he determines on ex-
tremes and has Sankha slain. What was thought of this
deed is proved by the way it again and again later on throws
its shadow on the actions of Parakkamabahu,
Gajabahu seems (cf. 66. 112) to have received the news of
Parakkamabahu's approach with decidedly mixed feelings. He?e xiv $>-*
knew of course enough of his dangerous temperament. On
the other hand it is certain that even then the prince was
looked upon as an exceptional personality gifted with extra-
ordinary qualities. The king must have regarded Kittisiri-
megha as his most serious rival. He may have hoped to gain
the prince as ally against this rival. In any case however,
it was politically short-sighted to receive him with such honour
and to place more trust in him than prudence warranted.
Parakkamabahu probably employed his sojourn in Pulatthina-
gara to find out the conditions obtaining in Kajarattha. We
may be sure however, that this was not done in the way
described 66. 129 ff. Here Dhammakitti as I hope I have
shown in my notes to the whole passage, conforms to the
whole scheme of the Indian Niti Literature, exhibiting his
knowledge of it with great complacency. At any rate the
prince by his whole conduct arouses more and more the
suspicions of Gajabahu and his counsellors so that in the same
way as he fled from Sankhatthall, he leaves the capital at
night convinced that he has been detected. But there is one
remarkable difference. Gajabahu seemingly sends no armed
messengers out to fetch back the fugitive. He was probably
glad to be rid of a guest who was becoming so dangerous.
Parakkamabahu's mother, as I assume, reconciles him with
his uncle whose death shortly afterwards solves all difficulties.
My remarks are an attempt to remove the facts of a
circumscribed period of Sinhalese history from the light in
which the compiler of the Culavamsa saw and was forced by
his mentality to see them and to place them in the light of
historical consideration. I repeat that this is merely an at-
tempt. But the employment of this or similar methods may
possibly prove fruitful in the interpretation of native tradition.XV
II
Kingship and the law of Succession in mediaeval Ceylon
The form of government in mediaeval Ceylon was to all
appearance of course despotic. The king is head and crown
of the state. The state does not exist for itself but for the
king. All attributes of power and greatness are heaped on
the king. Yet in his decisions and actions he is by no means
so free as one might imagine. In these he is strongly in-
fluenced and also restricted by custom which has assumed the
force of law, by the puWacdrittam ? use and wont. Again and
again it is said in praise of the best princes that in their
actions they followed former kings, that they did not stray
from the path of tradition. This conservative trait forms
without doubt a strong counterbalance to the ideas of unlimit-
ed power which the popular mind associates with the idea of
sovereignty.
There exist a number of names and titles for "king".
With no term is the Indian love of synonyms so marked as
with this one. It is unnecessary to enumerate the many and
varied terms for "king". They are the crux of every translator.
The expression "king" I have reserved for rajan. Then there come
in addition maharaja, rajadhir&ja, used 75. 203 of Parakkama-
bahu I. which last however is an ancient title. It is used
already in the Taittiriya ara$yaka 1. 31. 6. For the ruler of
a small island like Ceylon the titles strike us at times as
somewhat "grandiose: mahijpati, maklpala, dharaqlpati, bhupati,
bhup&la, jdgaMpati, narapati, naradhipa^ narddhinatha etc. One
must bear in mind that these titles have by frequent and
arbitrary use ? very often it is the metre that decides the
matter ? become worn down and defaced. It would not be
in keeping with the mentality of the compiler of the Cula-
vamsa if we were to translate these expressions always by
*'ruler of the earth11 and the like.o-<£ XVI ,&~-c
Nest to the long comes the queen, the mahesl, his chief
consort in contrast to the®unrestricted number of concubines,
the harem (orodha, antepwa). In the case of the mahesl
equality of birth is strictly enforced and only her sons have
a right to the succession. Herr HOCABT expressed to me the
opinion that there were two mahesis and pointed out the
mention of the queens. Anuladevi and Sornadevi in'Mhvs. 33.
45-46. He is certainly right. It is also expressly stated of
Vijayabahu I. (59. 25 and 30) that he raised two princesses
to the dignity of mahesi, first Lllavatl and then Tilokasundari
(mahesiUe dbhisecayi, -sinci) and a dutiya devl of Manabhara^a
of Eoha^a is mentioned in 64. 24. The mention of the title
aggamahesl (54. 10; 70. 33) inclines us to believe that there
was a difference in rank between the two mahesis. This as-
sumption however receives no support from the inscription of
Potgul-vehera in Polonnaruva in which Queen Candavati is
described as dutiyam aggatam gata, that she was the second
aggamahesl of Parakkamabahu together with the first, Lllavatl1.
Special titles also exist for the sons and daughters of the
reigning king, -for the princes and princesses (rajapuUa^ raja-
putti), for the sons the title adipada, for the daughters that
of rdjinl. The fact tih&b-rajinl is not merely a general term
for "queen", but also a particular title with a particular rank
corresponding to the title ddipada for princes is clear from
49. 3. Udaya I. makes his eldest son yuvaraja, the other sons
adipadas, the daughters rajinis. In the same way Sena I,
according to 50, 58 raises his daughters to the rank of rajinis
(rajimtJiane) and Mahinda IY. according to 54. 11 makes his
sons adipadas and his daughter rajini2.
1 See now A, M. HOCABT, Duplication of Office in'Indian State, A:
The Two Queens (CJSc. 0, I, p. 207 ff.). I may add, that Nissafika
Malla in the Galppta Inscription (B, line 2; EZ. II. 106) also mentions
two mahesTs, Subhaclrl and Kalyana.
2 The correction of copirajinim Into capi rdjimni is doubtless pre-
ferable to the coparajinim of S. and B. An upardjinl certainly never
existed. The reading rSjinzftata too in 60. 84 which I have adopted in
the text, shows that Vijayabahu * I raised his daughter Yasodhara to
theo-<3 XVII fr-c
As to the title adipada, we first meet with it in 41. 34.
Here it is stated that Silakala bestowed it on his eldest son
Moggallana (later King M. II). Two passages dealing with
the granting of the title by the king to his sons are just
quoted (49. 3; 54. 11). Dappula II. does not make the son
of his eldest brother Mahinda adipada, because, contrary to
the existing law (see below), he wishes to leave the crown
to his own sons. Thus it seems that with the title is bound
up the acknowledgment of the right of succession. Thus it is
legally borne (50. 8 and 25) by TJdaya and Kassapa as younger
brothers and presumptive heirs of Sena I. Likewise by
Dappula (afterwards D. IV.) 53. 1 as brother of Dappula III.,
and 53. 4 by Udaya (afterwards U. III.) as nephew and heir
of Dappula IV. Vijayabahu I. grants his youngest brother
Jayabahu the rank of adipada (adipadapadam 59. 12), while
his brother next in age Virabahu receives the dignity of an
uparaja. Later on after the death of Virabahu (60. 86-88)
Jayabahu becomes uparaja and Vikkamabahu, Vijayabahu's
son, becomes adipada.
It is self understood that with the ascent of the throne
or more strictly speaking with the abMseJca, the consecration
of the king, the title of adipada lapses. Mahinda I. who
repudiates this ceremony is called adipada throughout the
whole of his reign (48. 31, 68).
The granting of the title seems to have some connection
with the coming of age. It is said at least of Kitti afterwards
Vijayabahu I. in 57. 61, that he attained the "rank of an
adipada" in his fifteenth year. Here the political conditions
of the time preclude the idea of an act on the part of the
reigning king. At first sight it may strike one as strange
that the title of adipada should be ascribed to Dappula, the
sister's son of Aggabodhi VI. 48. 90, 93 and also to his two
nephews 48. 116 who were otherwise (48. 110) designated
simply as "princes". According to the prevailing law Dappula
dignity of a rajinl and that she then had the building erected which
is mentioned in the verse.
Bo-5 XVIII 2>~o
has no claim to the succession, but as we shall see, he was
an ardent champion of another law. Thus he must have
claimed the title advisedly, as did his two relatives who on
their side declared themselves his legitimate heirs.
The eldest adipada, the one nearest the throne bears the
title of mahaadipada, mahddipada "grand adipada". Mahinda
as the eldest of the three younger brothers of Sena I. is so
named 50. 10, the two others, Udaya and Kassapa (see above),
are adipadas. Thus the title of mahddipada is closely allied
with the term yuvaraja. It is expressly said of this Mahinda
(50. 6) that he was yuvaraja. Udaya II. confers the dignity
of a mahadipada (makddipddathanamM tJmpi 51. 91) on his
brother Kassapa who in the sequel becomes his successor
(52. 1). For lack of an heir male Aggabodhi I. appoints his
sister's son of the same name maMdipdda (42. 38), and is
eventually succeeded by him on the throne. Kitti-Vijaya-
,bahu I. is in Rohana after the subjugation of his foes. But
henceforth he has the position of yuvaraja (ytwarajapade 58. 1)
until his consecration as king and bears the title of a mahadi-
pada (58. 7). The mahadipada of the usurper Dathopatissa
was according to 44. 136, his nephew Ratanadatha. But at
the same time Kassapa (afterwards K. II.) is described as
yuvaraja (44. 137) since as younger brother of the legitimate
king Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi he had the right to
the succession. The granting of the title mahadipada seems
from 67. 91 to have been a festive act, the prince receiving
a fillet which was obviously his special badge.
It may be mentioned that the two titles ddipdda and
maJiddipdda frequently occur1 in inscriptions in the forms
apa and
1 See WICKEEMASINGHE , EZ. I, Index s. vv. That maliaya also (see
1. c. p. 26, n. 4; p. 98, n. 5; p. 187, n. 6; p. 225, n. 3) should stand
for «
mahadipMa raises donbts. The disappearance of p in the joint of the
compound is surprising. In favour of the identification, meanwhile, is
the fact that the frequently occurring phrase apa mahaya siri vinda
(EZ. I, 25, 91, 221) is replaced in the inscription of the Jetavanarama
(EZ. I. 284) by ayipaya mahapaya siri mnda* CODRKJGTON has everyo~~£
XIX £?
The heir to the throne has as we have seen, the title
yuvaraja. This brings us to the question of the right of
succession obtaining in mediaeval Ceylon. But first a remark
on the relation of the term yuvaraja to that of uparaja.
In the first place I must point out that the investiture of
the uparaja was a solemn ceremony. The uparaja is "con-
secrated" like the king or the mahesi (Mdnam oparajje
'Hhmndya 44. 84; oparajje Jcumaram ca dbJiisifidttha 48. 42,
cf. 48. 69; Mahindam . . . oparajje 'bhisecayi 51. 7; cf. 51.12).
So far as I can see, the expression "consecrate" is never used
of the yuvaraja. One is yuvaraja either in virtue of the right
of succession or if necessary or desirable, the position of yu-
varaja is conferred like an office or a title (addsi yuvara-
jattam 49. 3; yuvarajapadam ada 52. 42, 53. 4, 54. 1 and 58);
one is nominated yuvaraja (yuvarajam oka 53. 28), appoint-
ed to the position (thapefva yuvarajatte 45. 23). It is self
understood that these expressions of a more general kind are
also used for the appointment of an uparaja (ex. 41. 93,
42. 6, 48. 32). The main point is that where a "consecration"
is spoken of (abM-sic) this has never reference to a yuvaraja
but always and without exception to an uparaja.
A yuvaraja is found in every reign along with the king.
Of a more limited number of rulers it is related that they
appointed an uparaja. Frequently the yuvaraja is invested
with this dignity. We can almost say that this was the rule,
so that the announcement of the appointment of an uparaja
contains the information that the individual in question was
at the same time the heir to the throne. Aggabodhi III.
consecrates his younger brother Mana (44. 84) uparaja, his
heir to the throne according to the law, and described later
(44.123) as yuvaraja. After Mana's premature death his next
youngest brother Kassapa becomes uparaja and yuvaraja (44.
124, 137). In the same way Mahinda is the uparaja of his
father Aggabodhi VII. and is called in the sequel yuvaraja
right to point to this passage "when he. explains Mayarattha as Mahadi-
pdda~rattha. . ?
?
B*P ? c£i
(48. 69, 75), The same is the case with, an unnamed son of
Mahinda II. who however dies before him. It Is related of
Vijayabahu I. that he first made his next youngest brother
uparaja (59. 11), thus acknowledging him as his heir, his
yuvaraja. On his death he transfers the dignity of uparaja
to the youngest brother Jayabahu (60. 86, 87), who is then
(61. 3) called yuvaraja.
In view of these instances the appointment of another
individual than the yuvaraja to be uparaja would seem to be
a rare exception due to very special circumstances. Agga-
bodhi I. for instance, appoints as uparaja his maternal uncle,
but the yuvaraja is his younger brother (42. 6) who is not
even named and presumably died Ibefore the king. Sena II.
consecrates as uparaja his younger brother Mahinda who was
also yuvaraja (51, 7, 13). After his quarrel with Mahinda he
transfers the dignity of uparaja to his own son Kassapa
(51. 12). In his disappointment at his experiences he probably
wished to exclude his brothers altogether from the succession
but this he fails to do, Mahinda remains nevertheless yuvaraja
and at his death his place is taken by the next youngest
brother of the king, Udaya (51. 63).
The matter, I think, is clear and just what one has from
the first expected. Yuvaraja is the legitimate heir to the
throne. The dignity of uparaja on the other hand, is a
position of trust carrying with is certain rights, apparently
a share in the business of government. It seems to have been
a matter of the king's pleasure whether to have such a support
in his royal office or not.
As to the right of succession, the rule was that the next
youngest brother of the king succeeded him on the throne.
Only when no other brother existed did the crown pass to
the next generation, and here again to the eldest son of the
eldest brother of the preceding generation. There are fre-
quent instances of such a sequence.
Aggabodhi V. is succeeded by his younger brother Kassapa III.
he being followed by the third brother Mahinda I. Then the
succession passes to the next generation and as Aggabodhio-3 XXI 3>-o
apparently left no son of equal rank, to Kassapa's son Agga-
bodhi VI, If he had had brothers capable of succeeding him,
they would have been his heirs. As this was not the case,
Aggabodhi VII. the son of Mahinda becomes king after him
(48. 1, 20, 26, 42, 68).
Sena II. has three brothers. Mahinda the eldest of them
is yuvaraja (51. 13). He dies however, before the king.
Hereupon the next brother Udaya II. becomes heir and suc-
cessor of Sena II. (51. 63, 90) and after him the youngest
brother Kassapa IV. (51, 91; 52. 1). Hereupon it is the turn
of the next generation and in the first instance the sons of
Sena II. ? Kassapa V., Dappula III. and Dappula TV., then
those of Mahinda ? Udaya III., Sena HI. and Udaya IV. Of
Kassapa V. it is expressly stated that he came to the throne
in regular succession, that is according to the existing law
(kamagato 52. 37). Udaya II. and Kassapa IV. seem to have
left no legitimate heirs. Thus after the death of Mahinda's
youngest son the sons of Kassapa V., Sena IV. (53. 39;
LankabMseJcani Tcamagatam 54. 1) and Mahinda IV. (54. 1, 7)
come to the throne.
After the three brothers ? Mahinda IIL, Aggabodhi VIII.
and Dappula II. ? had reigned in regular succession (49. 38,
43, 65) the crown went by rights to the like-named son of
the eldest of them. But Dappula desires to reserve it for his
own son. Hence he does not make the younger Mahinda (8)
adipada. That this was a breach of the law is clear from
49. 84. Mahinda betakes himself full of resentment to India.
An important point is the custom of bestowing on the
yuvaraja, the Southern Province ? Dakkhi^adesa ? that is
the region west of the central mountains as far as the sea-
coast (45.23; 50.49; 51.19; 52.1). This was after Ea-
jarattha economically and politically the most important pro-
vince in the kingdom, even more so than Eohana which
always maintained a more independent and special position.
Dakkhipadesa is in consequence directly described as yuvara-
jarattha 67. 26 and 79. 60. According to *CODRINGTON, as al-
ready mentioned above (p. xvm note), the name of Mayaraftha*-$ XXII
£>-s
which appears later (81.'15, 18, 62; 87. 24) would mean the
same, "being derived, as he explains, from MahadipadaraUha.
Without doubt the Sinhalese right of succession rests on
patriarchy. Nevertheless in Ceylon as ? elsewhere in India,
remnants of an older matriarchy have been preserved. This
is. particularly noticeable in the part played by the sister's
son, the lihagineyya. The fact of this relationship being de-
signated by a special term is in itself significant (Skr. bhagineya).
For a brother's sons no such term exists. They are merely
called sunavo. Thus Parakkamabahu is called (63. 51) the
son (sunu) of his uncle Kittisirimegha who again is called his
father (pita 63. 53). Their relationship to one another is
always described as that between father and son. The three
brothers Manabharana, Kittisirimegha and Sirivallabha are
even described as the "three fathers" of the youthful Parakkama-
bahu (64. 33, 55). One is reminded of the conditions of
ancient polyandry.
If a distinction is to be made between the unele who is
the father's elder brother, and between the father's younger
brother, the first is called the mahapita and the second the
cullapita. Thus Sena L is the maJiapita of Sena II. (51. 24).
The cousins who are the sons of two brothers call themselves
quite consistently brothers, as for instance, Aggabodhi VI.
and Aggabodhi VII. (48. 61), the sons of the brothers Kas-
sapa III. and Mahinda I. Thus Buddhaghosa calls Ananda
the brother of the Buddha because he was the son of his
uncle (Tafhagatassa IJiata GuUapitu-putto DCo. I. 4).
It is undoubtedly the case that the sister's son enjoyed a
certain preference: the last remnant of that special position
accorded to him under matriarchy. Dhatusena's sister's son
holds the important office of senapati and receives the king's
daughter in marriage (38. 81). In the same way Dappula II
marries his daughter Deva to his sister's son Kittaggabodhi
(49.71).
This remnant of an earlier matriarchy can at times be a
furthering or a dilturbing factor in the right of succession.
Aggabodhi L makes his brother yuvaraja and appoints hisc-
sister's son malayamja. Later on he gives him his daughter
in marriage and confers on him the dignity of mahadipada.
This sister's son afterwards ascends the throne as successor
of his uncle under the name of Aggabodhi H. (42. 6, 10,
38, 40). It is not necessary to assume a breach of the law
here. We may suppose that the younger brother of Agga-
bodhi L, the original yuvaraja, had died before him. As no
male heir existed, the crown might legally go to the relative
in the female line1.
The matter is somewhat different in the case of Kassapa II.
He had it is true, no younger brother but he had sons of
whom the eldest Manaka was his legal successor. As these
sons however were minors, he summons his sister's son Mana
from Rohana and entrusts him with his sons and with the
kingdom. Here we have a regency carried on however, after
Kassapa's death, not by Mana but by his father Dappula,
Kassapa's brother-in-law. The whole affair causes serious
disturbances in the kingdom (45. 6 ff.).
A zealous champion of matriarchy and of his claims to
the throne based on it was Dappula, the Wiagineyya of King
Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. He waged a long and obstinate
fight with Mahinda II., Aggabodhi's son who was the legal
heir, no younger brother existing. He was supported in his
struggle by two sister's sons in Rohana who in their turn
hoped to become his heirs (48. 90, 98 ff.). Here we have
obviously matriarchy against patriarchy.
Of special interest is what is related as to the settlement
of the succession after the death of Vijayabahu I. (61. Iff.).
The yuvaraja is his youngest brother Jayabahu. If he ascend-
ed the throne then Vijayabahu's son Vikkamablhu who is
sojourning in Roharia, would be his heir and successor. But
now begin the intrigues of Mitti, the sister of Vijayabahu
and Jayabahu, who taking her stand on matriarchy seeks to
divert tlie crown to her line. In agreement with the highest
court officials she decides that Jayabahu shall indeed be con-
? l Parakkamabah'u I. is also succeeded by Ms bhagineyya Vijayabahu
(80. 1), since the male line is extinct. :*-$ XXVI
£-c
bably means a military official alongside of the civilian, the
governor of a man^ala^ of a larger or of a smaller district
(46. 31; 69. 5, 15) by which is apparently meant the smallest
division within a province, a rattka.
Nayaka would also seem to be a general term. It about
corresponds to the English "Colonel". Sirinaga the uncle of
Jetthatissa IIL, bears this title 44. 70. Vajiragga Is the nayaka
of Ildaya II (51. 105, 118) and Rukkha that of Kassapa IV.
(52. 31). Not infrequently nayaka is found in compounds
thus in Icaneiikinayaka (see note to 72. 58) "Head or chief of
the chamberlains", or in sankhanayaha (70, 278; 72. 31, 41;
75. 75), or in sanwaccharikanayalta "chief of the astrologers"
(57. 48). Kesadhatunayaka (see below) also perhaps denotes
a higher rank among the members of the Order of the
Kesadhatus. The function of the Jcammanayaka or JtammanatJia
(72. 58, 206; 74. 168) is not clear nor the meaning of the
title disavijayanayaka.
On the other hand it is probably certain that dan$anayaka
(dandanatJm) denotes an officer of high rank1. Our rendering
of it by "General" probably meets the case. Amongst the
commanders of Parakkamabahu the two brothers Kitti and
Samkhadhatu bear the title (70. 279 ff.) as also the Nagaragiri
Gokawa (70. 68) and others, (see note to 70. 5).
Head of the whole army is however the senapati2. His
position was without doubt one of extreme importance and
the king only granted it to a man in whom he had the fullest
confidence. Dhatusena appoints his sister's son senapati (38,81).
In the same way Parakkamabahu II. in the war against the
1 Danda must be taken In the meaning of "army". According to
J. J. METES (loc. cit. p. 398, n. 3; cf. also p. 834) the expression danda-
ndyl should also be inserted in the Kautaliya, the same as the net a
dandasya of Kamandaka. Here also a corps-commander Is meant,
2 In tfhajinipati we have nothing but a synonym for senapati. In
the translation I have always therefore inserted "senapati". In the
Kautaliya (10, 6) the senapati has not a commanding position. He is
here commander of 10 padikas(?) and there are 10 senapatis under one
nayaka, Cf. J. J, MEYER, 1. c. p. 586. SHAMASASTKY differs somewhat,
'Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 452.o-cB XXVII &~*
Javakas, entrusts the highest command in the army1 to his
sister's son Virabahu (83. 41). I do not think however, that the
conclusion is warranted that this position was reserved for the
'bhagineyya. He could indeed become senapati if he had the
necessary qualifications and If he possessed the confidence of
the monarch, but the king was not bound in his choice by
conditions of relationship. Udaya who had distinguished him-
self by his courage, was made senapati by his father Mahinda II.
(48. 154), just as Mahinda, afterwards Mahinda II., was made
senapati by his father Aggabodhi VI. Our chronicle mentions
a whole series of senapatis by name without saying whether and
how they were related to the king (48. 78). Migara is the sena-
pati of Kassapa I. (39. 6), Uttara that of Moggallana I. (39. 58),
Vajira of Dappula II. (49. 80), Bhadda of Sena I. (50. 82),
Kutthaka of Sena II. (51. 88), Rakkhaka Ilanga of Dappula IY.
(53. 11), the nayaka Viduragga of Udaya IV. (53. 46), Sena
of Mahinda IV. (54. 13), Deva of Parakkamabahu I (70. 123),
Mitta of Vijayabahu IV. (90. 2). Of Sena Ilanga, the sena-
pati of Kassapa IV. it is merely said that he belonged to the
royal family (52. 16). It would be very remarkable if in all
these cases or even In the majority of them the fthagineyya
should be meant and the chronicler not mention the fact.
A special title is that of saJcJcasenapati2. Kassapa V. ap-
points as such his own son (saJclcasenapatitthanam datva 52. 52;
cf. 52. 61, 64, 72, 74). After his death the dignity is trans-
ferred to his son, thus to Kassapa's grandson (52. 79). I believe
we have the same title in the saksenevl of the Bilibeva
inscription (EZ. II. 40 ff.). A synonym of sakJcasenapati Is
saKkasenanl (54. 53). Difficult of explanation is the term
andhasenapati which occurs but once (41. 87). I am Inclined
to think that Andha here is the Skr. andkra, the name of a
people which occurs along with such as pulinda and sabam.
1 The title senapati Is, however, not used here.
2 The word means "senapati of Sakka" (the King of the gods),
denotes therefore very high rank. We may infer from its meaning
that it was merely a title and not the name of an office with special
functions.~3 XXX. £?
Only once is mention made of a ga^akamacca (76. 39).
This as the etymology shows, was apparently an official whose
business was finance or accounts. In the Mahabharata the
ganaka (BR. s. v.) is placed side by side with the lelchaka. It
is difficult to say what sabhapati1 (67. 64, 70) or sabhanayaJca
(thus 67. 61, 80) stands for. The context shows almost cer-
tainly that it denoted an officer of very high rank.
In conclusion I mention some terms which, are manifestly
nothing but honorary titles, bestowed by the king for public
services such as those in war. In the first rank of these is
the title Jcesadhatu. I have noticed it in the note to 57. 65.
It is a distinction corresponding to our orders. It may have
originated in the members of the Order being entrusted with
the care of the Hair Relic. See above p. xxvi. Later on this
became a mere formality. It is doubtful whether Jcesadhatu
in the meaning of "member of the K. Order" is an abbrevia-
tion for kesadJidtundydka or whether this last term denotes a
higher rank within the Order.
Several of the titles are joined with the word giri (Skr.
gin) or gallq (Sinh. gala). It is not impossible that in such
titles names of localities are meant as in the family names of
our nobility. Very frequent is the title nagaragiri or nagara-
galla (see note to 66. 35). Again we have maragiri (note to
72.11), lankagiri (note to 72. 27), nllagiri (note to 70. 137),
lokagalla (note to 72. 222) and the uncertain jitagiri. All these
are verifiable as place names: Nagaragalla (48. 36), Maragalla
(55.26) or Mirapabbata (48.129), Lankagiri (70.88) or -pabbata
(66. 80), Nilagiri (70. 20; 72. 12) or -galla (70. 14, 16, 83)
and Lokagalla (74. 79, 81, 83, 166).
In addition lankdpura seems to have been a title (see note
to 70. 218) and such are most certainly the terms lafiMnatha,
lankadhina^ha^ lanMdhinayaha (see note to 70. 24), as also
'lanMdMkarin (see note to 70. 278). The last, it is worth
noting, denotes a higher degree in rank.
1 P..sa"bhd means "hall, assembly room". In Sanskrit tlie word is
also used lor a "law court". Sabhapati might therefore denote a high
legal official, . ..
.? '.XXXI
Contents of Chapters 37-72
Chap. 37
Sirimeghavan$a atones for the wrongs done to the
bhikkhus of the Mahavihara by his father Mahasena (51-63).-~
Buildings erected by the king (64-5). ? Erection of a golden
image of Mahinda (66-86). ? Further works (87-91). ? The
Tooth Relic comes to Ceylon (92-7). ? Further meritorious
works of the king (98-9). ? King Jetthatissa L, a skilled
carver in ivory (100-4). ? Buddhadasa's meritorious works
(105-11). ? Marvellous healing of men and animals (112-44).
? Further meritorious works, propitiation of one who had been
his foe in a former life (145-74). ? The thera Mahadhamma-
kathin (175). ? Eighty sons of the king named after the
disciples of the Buddha (176-8). ? Upatissa I. His meri-
torious works (179-88). ? Saves the land from drought
(189-98). ? Clemency of the king, also towards criminals
(199-208). ? Mahanama and his architectural works (209
-14). ? History of Buddhaghosa (215-48).
Chap. 38
Sotthisena murdered by his sister who places her hus-
band, the king's umbrella-bearer, on the throne in his stead
(1-3). ? Mittasena (4-10). ? The Damila Pa^du (11-3). ?
History of Dhatusena's youth (14-28). ? Successors of Pa$du:
Parinda, Khuddaparinda, Tlritara, Dathiya, Pfthiya
(29-34).? Dhatusena, his architectural works, construction
of the Kalavapi and other meritorious deeds (35-79). ?
His sons Kassapa and Moggallana, flight of Moggallana to
Jambudlpa (80-6). ? Dhatusena dethroned and slain by
Kassapa; his fate the consequence of a wrong done to a
bhikkhu (87-115).c-~3 XXXII &~°
Chap. 39
Kassapa I. founds Slhagiri; lie seeks to expiate his parro-
cide by pious actions (1-19). ? Moggallana comes from
Jambudlpa; Kassapa defeated in battle dies by his own hand
(20-8). ? Moggallana I. performs meritorious works, punishes
the adherents of Kassapa, builds viharas (29-43). ? History
of Silakala; he brings the Hair Eelic to Ceylon (44-56). ?
End of Moggallana (57-9).
Chap. 41
Kumaradhatusena, Kittisena, Siva reign meritoriously
(1-5). ? Upatissa II. makes Silakala his son-in-law; his
son is Kassapa (6-9). ? Revolt of Silakala; Kassapa losing
the battle commits suicide. Death of Upatissa (10-25). ?
Silakala; his meritorious works (26-32). ? His three sons
(33-6). ? The Dhammadhatu comes to Ceylon (37-41). ?
Silakala's second son Dathapabhuti seizes the sovereignty;
murders his younger brother and is attacked by his elder
brother Moggallana. Duel of the brothers. Dathapabhuti
takes his own life (42-53).? Moggallana IL; his reverence
for the teaching of the Buddha, his meritorious works (54-63).
? His son Kittisirimegha. Disturbances in the kingdom
(64-8).? History of Mahanaga (69-90). ? Mahanaga slays
the king and seizes the throne (91-3). ? Meritorious works
of Mahanaga (94-103).
Chap. 42
Aggabodhi L; his character and his meritorious works
(1-34), ? The thera Jotipala and the adipada Dathapabhuti
(35-9). ? Aggabodhi II. The Kalinga King comes with
his consort to Ceylon and is received into the Order by Joti-
pala (40-50). ? The Thuparama damaged; the king erects
a temple for the Collar bone Relic (51-60). ? Further meri-
torious works (61-69).o-^3 XXXIII £~-o
Chap. 44
Samghatissa becomes king. Moggallana the senapati of
Aggabodhi II. revolts against him and gains the upper hand
through the treachery of Samghatissa's general (1-21). ?
Moggallana III. as king has a young son of Samghatissa's
mutilated (22-7). ? Another son Jetthatissa escapes to Malaya.
Samghatissa himself with a third son and his minister are
caught during flight and beheaded (28-43). ? Meritorious
works of Moggallana III. (44-52). ? The king quarrels with
the treacherous general and has him mutilated. The general's
son joins Jetthatissa, defeats Moggallana and while Jetthatissa
remains in Malaya, ascends the throne under the name of
Silameghavaiin.a (53-64). ? His meritorious works (65-9).
? Sirinaga an uncle of Jetthatissa comes with a Damila army
but is defeated (70-3). ? Divisions in the Abhayagiri-vihara,
purification of the Church (74-81). ? The king's death (82). ?
Succeeded by his son Aggabodhi III. Sirisamghabodhi. Revolt
of Jetthatissa; Aggabodhi flees to Jambudipa (83-94). ? Reign
of Jetthatissa II. (95-102). ? Aggabodhi comes from Jam-
budipa, Jetthatissa is defeated and takes his life (103-12). ?
His minister does likewise; the queen also dies (113-7). ?
Second reign of Aggabodhi III.; his meritorious works (118-22).
? After the murder of Mana the king's younger brother
Kassapa is appointed yuvaraja (123-4). ? Dathopatissa I.
revolts and drives out the king (125-9). ? The wars of the
two kings damage the country; violent actions of Dathopatissa
and Kassapa; death of Aggabodhi III. (130-44). ? KassapaII.
becomes king after defeating Dathopatissa and makes good
his former misdeeds (145-51). ? Last attempt of Dathopatissa
to regain the throne and his death (152-5).
Chap. 45
Meritorious works of Kassapa II; the thera Mahadhamma-
kathin (1-5). ? The king entrusts kingdom and sons to his
nephew Mana and dies (6-10). ? Revolt of the Damilas,
While Mana raises his father Dappal a I., to. the ? throne,
Co-<3 XXXIY 8>-«
Hatthadatha a nephew of Dathopatissa I. comes from Jam-
budlpa and seizes the sovereignty (11-21). ? He reigns as
Dathopatissa II. His conflict with the bhikkhus of the
Mahavihara; his death (22-37). ? Early history of Dappnla L;
his meritorious works in Roharia (38-82).
Chap. 46
Aggabodhi IV. Sirisamghabodhi becomes king; his cha-
racter; meritorious works of himself and his officials (1-33). ?
His death (34-8). ? The Damila Potthakuttha raises at first
Datta and later Hatthadatha to the throne while carrying
on the government himself (39-47).
Chap. 47
History of Manavamma. He goes to Jambudipa, enters
the service of Narasiha and becomes his friend (1-14). ? He
supports him in his war with Vallabha (15-27). ? Out of
gratitude Narasiha gives him an army with which to gain
the sovereignty in Ceylon. The army however leaves him in
the lurch and he has again to seek refuge in Jambudipa
(28-41). ? He returns with a freshly equipped army to Ceylon
and gains the victory. Hafcthadatha is slain by the populace,
Potthakuttha kills himself (42-61). ?- Manavamma as king
(62-66).
Cha|). 48
Aggabodhi V. and his works (1-19). ? Eeign of Kassapa
IIL (20-5), ? Mahinda I. rules as adipada without adopting
the royal title (26-38). ? Aggabodhi VI. Silamegha. he
quarrels with a cousin of the same name; war and reconciliation
of the two (39-54). ? Conflict with a third Aggabodhi
(55-63). ? Meritorious works of the king (64-7). ? Agga-
bodhi VII. and his deeds (68-75). ? Mahinda IL reigns at
first in the name of the widowed queen (76-89). ? He twice
defeats Dappula the sister's son of his father (90-112). ? The
king marries the queen dowager and begets with her a son
whom he makes uparaja (113-5). ? A renewed struggle with
Dappula ends with a treaty (116-32). ? Meritorious works«53 XXXV
£-0
of the king (133-48). ? After the death of the uparaja
the king transfers the dignity to an elder son of the period
of his regency (149-60).
Chap. 49
The uparaja, probably U day a I. becomes king; he crushes
a rebellion; weds his daughter Deva to a prince Mahinda of
Rohana (1-13). ? Meritorious works of the king and his
consort (14-37). ? His son Mahinda III. becomes king
(38-42). ? Aggabodhi VIII.; his meritorious works (43-50).
? His reverence for his mother (51-61). ? Further proofs
of his noble character (62-4). ? Dappula II. supports
Kittaggabodhi in gaining possession of Rohana (65-73). ?
Meritorious works of the king and of the Senapati Vajira
(74-82). ? Aggabodhi IX.; Mahinda, son of Mahinda III.
who would have been the rightful successor flees to Jambudlpa
(83-6). ? Meritorious works of the king (87-93).
Chap. 50
Sena I. His meritorious works. Removal of Mahinda.
Younger brothers of the king (1-7). ? Revolt of Udaya and
reconciliation (8-11). ? Incursion of the Pandu king. Is
successful in battle. Sena flees to Malaya. The Yuvaraja
Mahinda kills himself, his brother Kassapa wins through. The
capital occupied and plundered by the Damilas (12-37). ?
After making a treaty with Sena the Pandu king retires with
great booty. Sena returns to the capital and settles the suc-
cession (38-49). ? Dynastic strife in Rohana, intermarriage
with the Rohana line (50-60). ? Meritorious works of the
royal couple and of their minister (61-87).
Chap. 51
Sena II., his character, his family (1-21). ? Conceives
the plan of a war of retaliation against the Damilas (22-6).
? Supporting a Pandu prince in his claims to the throne,
he sends his senapati with an army to the Continent. Madhura
is taken and plundered and the captured treasures brought
*-$ XXXVI £~c
back to Ceylon (27-51). ? The Pamsukulika bhikkhus of the
Abhayagiri found a special sect (52). ?- Meritorious works of
the Yuvaraja Mahinda; his death (53-62). ? Meritorious works
of the king, of his consort and of his senapati (63-89). ?-
Udaya II. Intermarriages in the royal family (90-3). ?
Kittaggabodhi revolts and seizes Rohana. The king sends a
great nephew against him. Conquest of Rohana (94-125). ?
Punishment of the rebels; meritorious works of the king
(126-36).
Chap. 52
Kassapa IV. and his family (1-3). ? Revolt of Prince
Mahinda in Rohana and reconciliation with him (4-9). ?
Purification of the Church (10). ? Meritorious works of the
king and of his dignitaries (11-36). ? KassapaV. Meri-
torious works of the king, honouring of the sacred scriptures.
Meritorious works of relatives of the royal family (37-69). ?
Kassapa supports the Pa$du king in war against the Cola
king; his army obliged to return in consequence of a pestilence
(70-82).
Chap. 53
Dappula III. dies after a short reign (1-3). ? Dappula IVr.
harbours the Pan
Uparaja Sena abuses the right of asylum of the Tapovana;
the bhikkhus betake themselves to Rohanu (13-5). ? The
Uparaja with his friend forced to flee thither from the enrag-
ed populace. Reconciliation with the priests and return to
the capital (16-27). ? Sena III. Meritorious works (28-38).
? Udaya IV. Invasion of the Colas, flight of the king to
Rohana. Retreat of the Colas after an unsuccessful attack on
Rohana (39-45). ? The senapati of the king, Viduragga
undertakes a campaign in the Cola country (46-7). ? Meri-
torious works of Udaya (48-52).
Chap. 54
Sena IV. His character and his works (1-6). ? Ma-
hinda IV- marries a Kalinga princess. His war with the Colao-<£ xxxvn
e>-c
prince Vallabha ended by a treaty (7-16). ? Honour sliown
by Mm to distinguished theras and many other meritorious
works of the king, as of the Queen Kitti and of her son and
of the Sakkasenapati (17-56). ? Sena V. Conflict with the
senapati Sena because the king makes Udaya senapati instead
of him (57-61). ? The-king forced to flee to Rohana. Sena
favours the Damilas on whose support he relies. The king
dismisses Udaya, makes friends with Sena and returns to the
capital (62-9). ? Drinks himself to death (70-3).
Chap. 55
It a hind a V. reigns in Anuradhapura. Mutiny of the
Kerala mercenaries. The king flees to Rohana. The other
provinces ravaged by the licentious soldiery (1-12). ? The
Cola king exploits these disturbances. He invades the country,
plunders it and seizes the king, his consort and all valuables
(13-22). ? The generals Kitti and Buddha organize success-
ful resistance in Rohana in favour of Prince Kassapa (23-32).
? Mahinda dies after a twelve years' captivity in the Cola
country (33-4).
Chap. 56
Kassapa VI. Vikkamablhu prepares a campaign against
the Colas, but dies before accomplishing it (1-6). ? He is
succeeded by the usurpers Kitti, Mahalanakitti, Vikkama-
papcju, Jagatipala and Parakkama. They are restricted
to Rohana, the Colas are masters of the country (7-17),
Chap, 57
General Loka prince in Rohana (1-2). ? Early history
of Kittij the later Vijayabahu: Kassapa and his sons Mana-
vamma and Mana (3-26). ? Kassapa husband of Lokita,
father of Moggallana and Loka (27-30). ? A grandson of
Dathopatissa becomes a bhikkhu and gains a high reputation
(31-9). ? Kitti, son of Moggallana and Lokita, the daughter
of Bodhi gives early proofs of his heroism. Becomes chief
opponent of Loka (40-64). ? After Loka's death he conquersc-£
XXXVIII g>-c
and slays Kassapa who was about to seize the sovereignty and
becomes himself lord of Rohana (65-76).
Chap. 58
Kitti rules in Rohana under the name of Vijayabahu.
Evades an attack by the Colas (1-6). ? Prepares for war
(7-10). ? Defeats a second Cola army sent against him.
Advances on Pulatthinagara but has again to abandon it
(11-32). ? After suppressing a revolt in Rohana he fights
a decisive action (33-39). ? Ably supported by his generals
he takes Anuradhapura and Pulatthinagara, the Colas give up
the fight (40-59).
Chap. 59
The kingdom made secure, preparations for the coronation,
suppression of the revolt of Adimalaya (1-6). ? After his
consecration as king in Anuradhapura Vijayabahu returns to
Pulatthinagara. Adopts the name of Sirisamghabodhi (7-10).
? Granting of titles to his brothers and of offices to his
followers (11-4). ? Suppression of a rebellion in Rohana,
Malaya and Dakkhi^adesa (15-22). ? Wives and children of
the king (23?33). ? Perceives signs in his daughter Ratana-
vali that she will become the mother of a famous son (34-9).
? Marries his daughters, Ratanavaii and Lokanatha, to the
sons of his sister. Further marriages of a dynastic character
(40-51).
Chap. 60
Vijayabahu's architectural works. Cares for the Church by
fetching bhikkhus from Ramafina. Further meritorious works
(1-23). ? The Cola king ill-treats envoys of King Vijaya-
bahu. The latter arms for war. A revolt of the Velakkaras
is bloodily suppressed (24-44). ? At the coast he awaits in
vain the arrival of the Colas (45-7). ? Tanks repaired by
the king, ecclesiastical buildings erected, condign punishment
of the niahesi who had disturbed the peace of the viharas
(48-62). ? The road to Samantakuta rendered safe, meri-
torious works for the good of the priesthood, encouragement
of the art of poetry, support of the poor (63-82). ? Works0-^3 XXXIX
£-°
of the king's followers (83-5). ? Death of Vijayabahu after
settling the succession (86-91).
Chap. 61
Manabharana and his two brothers make Jayabahu king
to the exclusion of Vikkamabahu. Yikkamabahu conquers
them and seized Pulatthinagara (1-20), ? The brothers divide
Rohana and Dakkhinadesa between them, renew the war but
are again beaten (21-35). ? Invasion of Viradeva who ad-
vances as far as Pulatthinagara but is finally defeated by
Vikkamabahu (36-47). ? Anarchy in the country, many
bhikkhus taking with them the tooth and alms-bowl relics
seek refuge along with members of noble houses in Rohana
(48-73).
Chap. 62
Jayabahu's death, children of Vallabha and Manabharana
(1). ? Dreams of Manabharana and his consort presage the
birth of a distinguished son (2-29). ? Good works of Mana-
bharana; pregnancy of Ratanavall; birth of a boy who re-
ceives the name of Parakkamabahu (30-52). ? At the news
of this Vikkamabahu desires to bring up the child at his
court; refusal of the father (53-66). ? Death of Manabharana
Virabahu (67).
Chap. 63
Kittisirimegha, the second brother takes over the province
ruled by Manabharana, Dakkhinadesa; the third, Sirivallabha
takes over Rohana with the capital Mahanagahula together
with the upbringing of Parakkama. Marries Manabhara^ta's
daughters to his son (1-17). ? In Pulatthinagara Gajabahu
ascends the throne; successfully repulses attacks by Kitti-
sirimegha and Sirivallabha (18-37). ? Parakkamabahu's youth.
The prince leaves the court of Sirivallabha and betakes him-
self to his uncle Kittisirimegha in Sankhanayakatthali (38-53).
Chap. 64
Kittisirimegha and his nephew Parakkamabahu visit the
general Sankha in Badalatthali; celebration of the upanayanao~3 XL
g>-«
festival for the prince (1-17). ? Death of Sirivallabha. Is
succeeded in Rohana by his son, the younger Manabliarana.
Each of BL's two wives bears him a son (18-24). ? Parakkama-
bahu's ambition aroused by the history of the heroes of
antiquity. To gather information as to the political condi-
tions in Kajarattha he decides to go thither in person and
leaves the town by night (25-64).
Chap. 65
The prince meets his followers at the appointed trysting-
place and comes to Badalatthali (1-26). ? General Sankha
is surprised, receives the prince nevertheless with due honours.
As Parakkama however fears betrayal by him he has him
slain (27-37). ? Great consternation at the deed. A soldier
desirous of avenging Sankha is hewn down (37-44).
Chap. 66
Parakkama proceeds farther to Buddhagama (1-19). ?
Subdues the resistance of the inhabitants (20-34). ? The
commander of Kalavapi, Grokanna, visits the prince. Frighten-
ed however, by a dream he flees by night to Kalavapi. His
people follow him (35-56). ?? Kittisirimegha determines to
fetch the Prince back by force but Parakkama ambushes the
troops sent to seize him and cuts them up (57-77). ? There
follows a series of further skirmishes until the Prince at Jana-
pada reaches the territory of Grajabahu (78-111).? Gajabahu
receives him with honour. Parakkama now seeks by syste-
matic espionage to discover the temper of the king's subjects
and does the same in the society in which he moves (112-45).
? He fetches his sister Bhaddavatl from Rohana. Marries her
to the king thus gaining his confidence and makes himself
everywhere popular (146-58).
Chap. 67
By his determination the prince subdues a mad buffalo.
Sis courage universally admired (1-8). ? He decides to return
to Dakkhi$adesa in order to seize the kingdom from there.-<< XLI g~
Gajabahu has no inkling of his plans (9-31). ? Flight from
Pulatthinagara. All kinds of adventures on the way give the
prince the opportunity of showing his courage (32-54). ?
Kittisirimegha sends people to receive him, his mother Ratana-
vali fetches him in person (55-82). ? Death of Kittisirimegha;
Parakkamabahu in the dignity of the mahadipada (83-96).
Chap. 68
Parakkama furthers culture in Dakkhi^adesa; builds dams
on the Jajjara river and widens the Pariclavapi tank (1-42). ?
Erection of further dams and constructions for increasing the
productive power of the country (43-59).
Chap. 69
Military preparations in particular by organisation of re-
cruiting in the various districts of the country (1-38).
Chap. 70
Parakkama through his generals extends his dominion over
Malaya. First encounter with Gajabahu (1-29). ?......- Adventure
with an elk during the chase (30-52). ? Parakkamabahu
opens the campaign against Rajarattha. His generals fight
those of Gajabahu along the frontier from the pearl districts
in the west as far as Alisara in the east (53-172). ? Parakkama
determines to attack Pulatthinagara. Manabliara^ia of Rohapa
supports him. The town taken after severe fighting, the king
captured and generously treated (173-250).-? Embittered at
the looting of their town the inhabitants summon Manabhara^a.
He comes, seizes all Gajabahu's powers, takes him prisoner
and plans to remove him. Gajabahu begs for Parakkama's
protection, whose generals take Pulatthinagara a second time
and set Gajabahu free. Manlbharaipa escapes to Roha$a
(251-310). ? Gajabahu tries once more to recover the so-
vereignty. Once more vanquished, he seeks the bhikkhus as
mediators (811-86).»<- XLII <>-<<
Chap. 71
Death of Gajabafau, Parakkamabahu king (1-5). ?
Gajabahu's followers summon Manabharana to their support;
Parakkama secures the frontier along the Mahavalukaganga
against him (6-18). ? Parakkama undergoes consecration at
the express wish of his ministers (19-32).
Chap. 72
Combats at the different fords of the Mahavalukaganga
(1-54). ? Parakkama sends his generals against Roha$a also
from the Pancayojana province (55-64). ? Revolt of Narayana
in Anuradhapura quickly crushed by Parakkama (65-9). ?
Manabharana succeeds in crossing the Mahavalukaganga and
there follows a series of chequered combats. Parakkama
forced eventually to give up Pulatthinagara (70-147).? Forced
back to the frontiers of Dakkhinadesa, Parakkama opens a
new attack on the capital. His generals fight numerous
battles (148-204). ? Manabharana at bay. Decisive action
at Mihiranabibbila; a fortification erected by General Rakkha.
Manabharana flees secretly to Rohana, triumphant entry of
Parakkamabahu into Pulatthinagara (205-800). ? Death of
Manabharaga. Before dying he advises his relatives to give
up the resistance to Parakkama (301-10). ? Parakkamabahu
celebrates his second coronation (311-29).TO THE EXALTED ONE, THE PERFECT
ONE
THE FULLY ENLIGHTENED ONE
REVERENCE!
CHAPTER XXXVII
(Continuation)
THE SIX KINGS
So after the Ruler Mahasena1 had in consequence of "his 51
association with impious people, done good and evil all his
life, he went according to his doing2. Therefore should the 52
wise man shunning from afar as a poisonous serpent, the
company of the impious, do speedily that which tends to his
own salvation. Thereupon his son Sirimeghavanna3 be- 53
1 There is not the slightest doubt that with v. 51 the work of the
continuator of the old Mahavamsa begins. We must assume that ori-
ginally an ornate strophe followed 37, 50 as conclusion of Mahanama's
work. The continuator like his successors (cf. 79- 84; 90. 102), veiled
the gap. The content of the lost strophe is apparent from v. 51?52,
as also from the last verse of the Dipavamsa (22. 76), which Bhamma-
kitti seems to have taken as his starting-point.
2 P. gato yathdJcammam "he went according to his kamma" a fre-
quent expression (of. JaCo. I 10911, 15313, 1786; II. 31311 etc.) with re-
ference to the five gati or forms of rebirth ... 1. in Hell, 2. as animal,
3. as peta "ghost", 4. as man, 5. as deva ,,god". Here one must bear in
mind that kamma "doing11 is for Buddhist readers or hearers a technical
term, ?he conception for the sum of all our good and evil deeds in the
latest as in the former existences. Our rebirth, our whole fate is
determined by "komma which is distinctly held to be something concrete.
3 King Siri Mekavana Aba is mentioned in the Inscription of
DebeLgala (20 miles 1. N. E. of Anuradhapura) which is dated in the
first year of Ms reign... ED. MC?LLBR (AlC., p. 30) attributes the inscrip-
12 Sirimegliavanna
37.54
came king, bestowing like Manclhatar1 all kinds of blessings
54 on the world. In the Mahavihara which Mahasena fallen un-
der the influence of evil people, had destroyed, he gathered
55 together the whole of the bhikkhus, went thither himself,
greeted them respectfully, seated himself and asked them full
of reverence: "What then has been destroyed by my father
56 in company with Samghamitta?" The bhikkhus answered the
Lord of men: "Although thy father strove to bring about the
57 removal of the boundary2, he was unable to do so, as there
were still bhikkhus within the boundary. Seven bhikkhus
58 namely, were hidden here in an underground room. The mi-
nister So$a and the still worse Samghamitta3 influenced the
tion to the king Gothabbaya (Mhvs. 36. 98). There are however, not
far from Debel-gala at Timbiriveva two further inscriptions in which
our Sirimeghavanna is undoubtedly mentioned. BELL, ASC. VII th Rep.
1891 = SP. XIIL 1896, p. 50. Sirimeghavanna is further mentioned in
a Chinese source, in the Hing-Tchoan of Wang Hiuen-tse under the
name of Chi-nii-Ma-po-me ("cloud of merit'1)* He is said to have sent
two Bhikkhus to India to the King San-maon-to-lo-kiu-to, that is Sa-
mudragupta (who reigned according to V. A. SMITH approximately bet-
ween 345 and 380 A. D.)» asking him to provide shelter there for the
Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred tree at Bo-
gaya, Cf, SYLYAIN LEVI, JAs. 1900, p. 316 sqq.; J. M. SENAVERATKE,
JRAS. C, B. XXIV, Nr. 68, 1, p. 75; H. W. COBRINGTON, Short History of
Ceylon, J>. 29.
1 A legendary king of the dynasty of Mahasammata, son of Upo-
aatha. His story is told in the Mandhatn-Jitaka (Nr. 258 = JaCo. IL
310 ff.),. which is again quoted in DhCo. III. 2405. The name Mandha-
tar occurs already in the Rigveda, In the Anguttara-Nikaya (A. II. 17)
Mandhatar is described as aggo ftamabhoginam.
2 P, simdy' ugghatanam. What is meant here is the boundary of
the enclosure of the .Mahavihara. The verb ugghdteti means *'to put on
one side, to set aside", as for instance, ghatikwn, the door bolt, Tin. II.
20710? III. 1192
lastly *sfco make known, to reveal", eg. atUabhavc DhCo. IV. 5i2. The
removal of the boundaries would only have been legal? if the bbikkhns
themselves had given up the vihSra.
3 The Thera Samghamitfca belonged to the Vetnlla sect and worked
together with his lay disciple Soip, for the advantage of the Abhayagiri-
vihara against the bhikkhus of the Mahavihlra. See Mhvs, 36.110 ff., 87,1
ff.37.62 Sirimeghavanna
3
king and determined him to do evil. They destroyed the splen- 59
did seven-storeyed Lohapasada1 as well as various other buil-
dings and carried off (the material) to the Abhayagiri (-vihara)2.
In the court of the Cetiya3 where four Buddhas had sojourned, 60
the deluded ones had mungo beans planted; behold (in its
consequences) the intercourse with fools." When the King 61
heard of these doings of his father, he being averse himself
from all association with fools, had everything which his father
had destroyed, restored in its original form. To begin with, 62
he set up the Lohapasada, making visible as it were, the
magnificent palace of Mahapanada4 on (the island of) Sihala.
1 The Lohapasada was laid out by King Devanampiyatissa as dwel-
ling for tne inmates of the Mahavihara (Mhvs. 27. 4 ff,). There are
1600 monolithic stone columns still standing which formed the frame-
work of the lowest storey. As the inmost pillars are the strongest, and
had thus evidently the heaviest weight to bear, we may suppose the
building to have been a stepped pyramid. The upper storeys were ap-
parently of wood and were covered with plates of copper. Hence the
name "Brazen Palace". The word pdsdda is applied to all larger buil-
dings of several storeys. The meaning "palace" though not always
appropriate, is of course so whenever, as below v. 62, the pdsdda of a
prince is meant. That the Lohapasada was in the main built of perish-
able material is proved by the fact that under Saddhatissa (77?59 B. C.)
it was destroyed by fire and had to be rebuilt.
2 Abhayagiri is without doubt the northern of the three large thupas
in Anuradhapura, Jetavana the eastern, not conversly. The question
was admirably treated recently by A. M. HOCAKT (Mem. ASC. I. 10 ff.).
A reference might still be made to Mhvs. 37. 33 where it reads: Mahd-
'GiharasSmante uyydne Jotindmake Jetavanavihdram so vdriyanto pi Jcarayi.
This of course is applicable only to the eastern not to the northern thupa.
3 Regarding the untranslated termini (here cetiya) see Mhvs. trsL,
Appendix D, p. 292 if. Cetiya and thupa are used synonymously for the
bell-shaped structures designed to hold relics. The fundamental form.
was without doubt the burial mound.
4 A legendary king of the Mahasammata dynasty (Mhvs. 2. 4). An
account of his splendid palace (yupa) is given in the verses Thag. 163-4
= Ja. II. 334 (Mahapanadajataka). It was sunk in the Ganges at Pa-
yaga, A legend relates of the Thera Bhaddaji that to prove his mira-
culous strength, he raised the palace with his toes out of the bed of
the stream and shoved it to the astonished people. (Ja. II. 333; Mhvs.
SL 7 ffJ4 Sirimeghavanna
87.68
63 He built up all the demolished parivei^as1 and fixed the re-
64 venues of the helpers of the monastery2 as heretofore. The
wise (SirimeghavaTOa) refilled the vihara which had become
sparsely inhabited through his unwise father having stinted it
65 of necessaries. In the vihara begun by his father in Jotivana3
66 the monarch had all unfinished work completed. Now when
the Ruler of men had heard from the beginning the whole
history of the Thera Mahinda, the (spiritual) son of the Ruler
67 of the Samaras (Buddha), he felt a believing joy in his merit
in having brought the island to the faith and thought: "Of
68 a truth the Thera is lord over the island". .He then had an
image of gold made corresponding with the size of Mahinda
69 and brought it to the Ambatthala-cetiya4, so called after the
mango tree of the Thera5. There he left it on the eighth
70 day. But on the ninth day he took a great host like to an
army of the gods, as also the women of the harem and the
71 inhabitants of the town, save the watchmen, gathered together
also all the bhikkhus in Lankadipa, and freed the people who
1 Parivena (Sinh. pirivena) denotes now a building intended for the
instruction of the bhikkhus. That parwena originally, or at any rate
in early times, must have denoted more than the single cell inhabited
by a bhikkhu is clear from 37. 172.
2 P. aramikanam. The drdmik-d had to do work for the monastery
and to keep it in order. See Vin. I. 206 ff. ? Of. Vin. II. 21123 ff. the
grades 'bhiWm?satnanera?ardmikd.
3 What is meant here is the Jetavana-vibara which was built ac-
cording to Mhvs. 37. 33, by Mahasena in the Jotivana which lies outside
the southern gate of the town of Anuradhapura (Mhvs. 15. 202. See the
note on 37. 59.) A special Jotivana-vihara did not exist. C£ also
below
52, 59 with note.
4 Getiyambathale (so also v* 69, 74). Probably a mere inversion for
AmbattJialacetiye metri causa. The Ambatthalaeetiya stands on a terrace
of the MIssaka hill, now Mihintale (8 miles east of Anuradhapura) below
the highest summit, on the spot where according to the legend, the
emissary Mahinda converted King Devanampiyatissa. to the doctrine of
the Buddha.
5 By the riddle of the mango tree (Mhvs, 14,17 ff.) the Thera Mahinda
put the King's discernment to the proof. Even now there are mango
trees planted near the Ambatthalaeetiya in memory of the event.37.81
Siritneghavanna
5
were in prison in the town. Then he instituted a great alms- 72
giving for all living beings, and celebrating with all oflFerings
a matchless sacrifice, he went forth to greet the master of 73
the island, the best son of the Master (Buddha), as the King
of the gods (Sakka) had aforetime (greeted) the Master1. He 74
had the street from the Ambatthala-cetiya to the town put in
order even as the road from Vesali to the town Savatthi, and 75
by the spending of a whole fortune on this occasion, as the
King (Asoka), the father of the Thera (had done) on the arri-
val of the Thera Moggaliputta2, he satisfied the poor, travellers 76
and beggars by instituting a great almsgiving and the bhik-
khus by (the gift of) the four necessaries3. Then the Illustrious 77
One with the wish: the people shall see the arrival of the
Thera, lifted up the image amid great reverence, descended 78
from the mountain (Missaka), (and) while he placed himself
at the head (of the procession), made the bhikkhus surround
it on all sides ? the golden image of the Thera shone as 79
the golden Mount Meru4 rising out of the milky sea (shines)
when irradiated by the evening glow ? and showed it to 80
the people with the thought: Even thus the Leader of the
World went forth to Vesali to preach the Sutta5. Thus paying 81
1 On the occasion of Buddha's visit to the Tavatimsa-hea en. Cf.
Divyavadana, ed. E. B, COWELL and R. A. NEIL, 401; EOCKHILL, Life of
the Buddha, p. 80 f.; BIGANDET, Life or Legend of Gaudama the Buddha,
I, p. 225 ff,; TH. KEEN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 33.
2 The fetching of the Mahinda image by Sirimeghavanna is com-
pared with that of Moggaliputtatissa by King Asoka, as it is described
in Mhvs. 5. 245 ff. The Thera dwells in a hermitage on the upper Gan-
ges. He is wanted to settle the disputes which have arisen in the Buddha
Order. Only after many vain attempts does Asoka's emissary succeed
in persuading him to take the journey to Pataliputta where the King
receives him with the highest honours. There follows the holding of
the Third Council.
3 P. paccayehi catuM, namely: clothing (eft?ara), food (pindapatcfy,
dwelling (senoLsana) and medicine (bhesajja).
4 Meru or Sumeru is the mythical world mountain which rises in
the centre of the earth, on whose summit lies the heaven of the Tava-
timsa, of the 3S Gods, S. KIBFSL, Kosoiographie der Inder, p, 16, 187 etc.
5 Verses 66?80 form one sentence. The subj. is manujindo in 666
Sirimeghavanna
37.82
reverence and homage (to the Image) the Lord of rnen set out
in the evening for the vihara Sotthiyakara1 which he had him-
82 self erected near the eastern gate, and there also he let the
image of the (spiritual) son of the Conqueror (Buddha) tarry
83 three days. Then after he had on the 12th day put the town
well in order, even as the town of Kajagaha at the first entry
84 of the Master2, he fetched the image from the Sotthiyakara-
vihara and brought it, while the town had the semblance of
85 the ocean by reason of the great festival, to the Mahavihara,
taken up again by raja in 67, so in 70 and ayam in 72, verb, fin,
dassesi in 80, obj. patibimbam in 68 (taken up again by tarn in 77).
The construction of the sentence is disturbed by the verb. fin. sobhatha
in 79. I believe either that the whole of verse 79 was inserted later
or perhaps better still that it is to be regarded as a parenthesis. The
Sutta preached by the Buddha in VesalT is the Ratanasutta (No. 6 of
the Khuddakapatha = v. 222 ff. or Culavagga 1 in the Suttanipata).
Its previous history is related by Buddhaghosa (Kh. A. p. 158 ff.), appears
also in the Mahavastu (I. 253 ff.) In Yesali, the capital of the Licchavi
clan (T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 25 f.) bad plagues caused
by evil spirits are rife. The terrified inhabitants appeal to the Buddha
who is sojourning in Rajagaha. He comes, drives off the evil spirits
and pronounces over Yesall the verses of blessing (SvastyayanagatJia in
the Mahavastu) of the Ratanasutta. It is now expressly insisted on that
the street from Rajagaha to the Ganges and again on the territory of
the Licchavi from Yesall to the Ganges was put in the most perfect
order and decorated. I should therefore refer v. 74 also to the journey
of the Buddha to Yesall, though in that case Savatthl would be er-
roneously substituted for Rajagaha. That there was a tendency to make
Savatthi a dwelling place of the Buddha is shown by Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS'S
acute observations on the Samyutta-Mkaya. (The Book of the Kindred
Sayings trsl. by F. C. WOODWAED, III, p. XI f.)
1 From the description of the position the name would best fit that
collection of buildings east of Anuradhapura now called Puliyankulam.
The foundation of this vihara would then have to be placed in the
4th century A. D., as Sirimeghavanna built it himself (sayamJcatam).
The fact of the present ruins belonging in style to a later period is no
argument against the identification, as all these monasteries were repea-
tedly enlarged and renewed,
2 On the Buddha's first visit to Rajagaha on which occasion King
Bimbisara presented him with the Veluvana park see Yin. I. 35 ff.;
JaCo. I. 8288 ff.; ROCKHXLL, Life of the Buddha, p. 43,37. 92
Sirimeghavanna
7
left it three months in the court of the Bodhi tree, brought it
then in the same (solemn) manner to the inner town and had 86
a handsome shelter built for the image near the royal palace
at its south-eastern corner. The wise, discerning (King) had 87
images of Itthiya and of the others1 made and put them in
the same spot. He set a watch there and spent a sum of money 88
as an offering and gave orders to proceed year by year in
like manner. In obedience to his order the kings of his race 89
keep up the custom here (in Ceylon) to this day and do not
neglect it. On the day of Pavara^a2 he brought the image 90
from the town to the vihara and ordered that every year an
offering be made on the 13th day. Beside the Bodhi tree 91
Tissavasabha in the Abhaya-vihara3 he had a stone terrace
and a handsome wall built.
In the ninth year of this (King) a Brahman woman brought 92
hither (to Anuradhapura4) from the Kalinga country the Tooth
1 .The theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala (Milvs. 12. 7),
the samanera Sumana and the lay-brother Bhanduka (Mhvs. 13. 18,14. 33)
were companions of Mahinda on his flight to Ceylon.
2 Pdvdrana is the ceremony observed by the bhikkhus at the close
of the three months' vassa, that is the rainy season spent in the vihara.
The vassa begins according to the directions of the Vinaya (I. 13726;
cf. with this Vin.-A, III. 2931 the commentary of Buddhaghosa) on the
day after the day of full moon of the month Asalha (May-June) or a
month later and lasts three months. As the Pavarana festival takes
place on the 14 th and 15th days of the final month, the 13th day
mentioned In v. 90 is the day immediately preceding it for which the
King ordains a yearly festival of offering, (See Th. KEEN, Manual of
Indian Buddhism, p. 100.)
3 Differently rendered by TDKNOUR-WIJESINHA : "and he built stone
cornices and beautiful walls also at the Abhaya and Tissa-Vasabha vi-
harag; as well as at the bodhi tree.'1 I think, however, that s&avedim
can only belong to "bodhipadape* The sacred % trees (Ficus religiosa}
are as a rule sourrounded by a stone terrace. Vihdre AWiaye refers
without doubt the Abhayagiri-vihara in the north of the town. I am
inclined to look upon Tissavasabha as the name of the Bodhi tree,
named perhaps after the name of the man who planted it and who
came from the village of Vasabha. There was a village of this name
near Anuradhapura its revenues (see 41. 97) being later made over to
the Jetavana by Mahanaga.
4 A more detailed account of this event by which the most famous8
Sirimeghavanna
37.93
93 Relic of the great Sage (Buddha). In the manner set forth in
the Chronicle of the Tooth Relic the Ruler received it with
94 reverence, paid it the highest honours, laid it in an urn of pure
95 crystal, and brought it to the building called Dhammacakka
built by Devanampiyatissa on the royal territory. Henceforth
9^6 this building was the Temple of the Tooth Relic1. The King
his heart swelling with joy, spent 900 000 (kahapa^as) and ar-
97 ranged therewith a great festival for the Tooth Relic. He de-
creed that it should be brought every year to the Abhayuttara-
vihara2, and that the same sacrificial ceremonial should be ob-
98 served. The Ruler had eighteen viharas built and (he con-
structed) tanks which always contained water, because of his
99 pity for all living creatures. After performing innumerably
many meritorious works such as offerings for the Bodhi Tree
and the like, he went in the 28th year (of his reign) thither
whither his merit took him3.
relic of the Buddha came to Ceylon, is to be found in the Rajavaliya
(see p. 53 of B. GUNASEKARA'S translation); in the Rajaratnakaraya
(ed. SADDHANANDA, Colombo, 1887, p. 29) and in the Pujavaliya (Con-
tribution to the History of Ceylon, extracted from the Pujavaliya, ed.
B. GUNASEKARA, p. 23-4). The country of Kalinga corresponds roughly
to the present Orissa on the mainland of India. V, 93. refers to the
Dathadhatuvamsa written in 1211 by Dhammakitti, an older
namesake of the author of the first part of the Culavamsa, or to the
copy of it written in the Sinhalese tongue. The Pali Dathadhatuvamsa
has been edited by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, JPTS. 1884, p. 108 ff.
1 One must look for the remains of the building in the so-called
Dalada-Maligava in the south-eastern part of the city of Anuradhapura,
not in the ruin of the same name at the Thuparama, See E. R. AYRTGN,
Ceylon Notes and Queries III, Apr. 1914, p. XII ff.
2 ,,The Northern Vihara of Abhaya", the same as the Abhayagiri-
vihara. We often meet with the name Uttara- Mahd-Geta in inscriptions.
Thus in that of King Malu-Tissa, WICKBEMASINGHE, EZ. I, p. 256, cf. also
ib. p. 221, 236; as well as A. M. HOCAET, Mem, ASC. I, p. 12. In the
older Mahavamsa (35.119) we also find the name Abhayuttaram&htltliupa.
3 Literally: "he went there where was the way to rebirth (gatff\
Means the same as yathdkammam gato (see above note 2 to v. 51), here
of course in a good sense. According to Pujavaliya and Rajavaliya the
king reigned fully 28 years.37.107 Jetthatissa,
Buddhaddsa 9
The youthful Jetthatissa, the youngest son of his brother1, 100
then raised the umbrella of dominion in Lanka, (he being) ex-
perienced in the art of ivory carving. Extraordinarily skilful, 101
he carried out manya difficult works and taught the practice of
his art to many people. At his father's3 request he made a 102
beautiful, charming figure representing the Bodhisatta, as beau-
tiful as if it had been produced by miraculous power, as well 103
as a chair of state with a back, an umbrella, a mandapa4 with
jewels: Here and there5 (were) all kinds of work by him in
splendid ivory. After ruling the island of Lanka for nine years6 101
and doing numerous meritorious works, he passed away in ac-
cordance with his deeds.
Thereupon his son Buddhadasa7 became king, a mine of 105
virtues, as the sea (is such) of all jewels. Creating happiness 106
by every means for the inhabitants of the Island, protecting the
town8, as the wealthy Vessavana protects the town of Alaka-
manda9, gifted with wisdom and virtue, a refuge of pure pity 107
1 According to the reading l)hdtu tassa Jcanitthako as against Nidtd
t, Jc. ef. Ciilavs. ed., Introd. p. XVII. Nevertheless I have scruples
in
adopting this reading, since in the historical literature of Ceylon Jettha-
tissa is distinctly called the brother, not the nephew of his predecessor.
2 P. citrdnl. I do not believe that this word refers to painting. It
is always a question of Jetthatissa's ivory carving only.
3 The ,,father" may be king Sirinieghavanna, the paternal uncle
being always called pitar.
4 By mandapa is understood a light, open, arbour-like structure
whose roof is supported on pillars, often put up for merely temporary
purposes.
5 The construction of the sentence is not quite clear.
I think
v. 103 c d is a summary of what has gone before.
6 Pujavaliya has the same; but according to the Rajavaliya, 10 years.
7 The Sinhalese sources (Pujav., Rajav., Rajaratn.) call him Bujas-
ra}a. Also Nikaya-samgraha ed. WXCKREMASINGHE, 168.
8 Makkham is to be supplemented from d by the object puram, while
on the other hand puram must be supplemented by the participle raftkham
from c.
9 Vessavana ? Skr. Vatiramqa, patronymic of Kuvera the god of
wealth. His capital is called in Skr. Alalfd (E. W. HOPKINS, Epic Mytho-
logy, p. 142 ff.). In D. IL 1472,. 170T Alakamanda is called the capital
of the Devas.10 Bucldhadasa
37. 108
108 and endowed with the ten qualities of kings1, while avoiding the
four wrong paths2, practising justice, he won over his subjects
109 by the four heart-winning qualities3. The Ruler lived openly
before the people the life that bodhisattas lead and had pity
110 for (all) beings as a father (has pity for) his children. He ful-
filled the wishes of the poor by gifts of money, those of the
111 rich by protecting their property and their life. Great in dis-
cernment he treated the good with winning friendliness, the
wicked with sternness, the sick with remedies.
112 Now one day as the King riding on the back of his ele-
phant was on his way, in the principal street, to bathe in the
113 Tissa-tank, he beheld a large snake smitten with belly disease,
lying not far from the Puttabhaga-vihara outstretched on its
114 back on a white ant -heap to display its disease of the belly,
115 called a tumour. He thought: the snake is certainly ill4. There-
upon he got down from the great elephant and approaching the
great snake, thus spake the hero, the Spotless One, to the great
116 snake5: "I understand, great Snake, the reason of thy coming.
117 But ye (snakes) are very fiery6 and easily fly into a rage7. There-
1 On the dasct rdjadhammd see M. and W. GEIGER, Pali Dhamnia,
p. 17. They are enumerated J. III. 2741: dana "giving of alms", slla
"leading a moral life", pariecaga "liberality", ajjava "fair dealing",
maddava *'gentleness", tapas "self-discipline", dkJtodka "without wrath.",
avihimsu "not wounding", I'hanti "patience", avirodhana "peaceableness".
2 P. catasso agnll Jiitva. The four agati are chanda "desire", dosa
"hate"1, moha "illusion", "bliaya "fear".
3 The cattdri samyahavatthuni are d&na "the giving of alms, libera-
lity", peyyavajja "friendly, winning speech", atthacariya "beneficent
action", samdnattatd "sociability". Of. 41. 56.
1 One must read unago rogl ti nicchayam", The ti is, as often, placed
in the oratio recta. Cf, 44, 16; 45, 20; 48, 30.
:' The verse contains a play upon words impossible for us to render,
ntfga being used in the threefold meaning- of "snake" especially cobra,
"elephant" and "great man, hero". Add to this the similarity in sound
with andgacd (Skr. fiyas "guilt, sin").
K P. mahdteja. TI*BNUIIR'IS translation "highly gifted" is wrong.
7 Literally: "You are quickly such who bear the character of being
wrathful". See Culavn. ed., voL II, Index 2, &, v. "kttppctna.37.131
Buddhaddsa
11
fore it is impossible for me to touch thee and so to accomplish
my work; but without touching thee it is also not possible.
What then is to be done?" At these words the prince of the 118
snakes stuck his whole neck1 into the cavity (of the white ant-
heap) and remained lying motionless. He stepped up to it, took 119
the knife that he wore at his side and slit open the belly of the
snake. After he had taken out the diseased parts and applied 120
an excellent remedy, he at once cured the reptile. Then he 121
gloried thus: "Even the beasts have known my great charity;
in the right way have I ruled." When the snake saw that it 122
was cured, it gave the Monarch as a mark of esteem, its own
precious jewel2. The King placed the jewel as eye in the stone 123
image of the Perfectly Enlightened One in the Abhayuttara-
vihara.
A bhikkhu on his mendicant round in the village of Thusa- 124
va^thika had been given only dry mendicant's food. When then
he went begging for milk he got milk with worms in it which 125
he drank. In his belly the worms multiplied and fed on his
bowels. Then he went and told the King. The King asked: 126
"At what meal did this pain arise and of what kind is it?"
The other answered: uAt the meal that I took with milk in 127
the village of Thusavatthi". The King recognised that it had
been milk with worms in it. Now just at that time a horse 128
had to be cured by bleeding. The King himself bled it, took
the blood, gave it tho the samara to drink and spake, waiting 129
a moment3: "That was horse's blood." When the samara4
heard that he vomited. The worms came up with the blood, 180
the bhikkhu was cured, but the King showed his joy: "By a 131
1 P. phana, the hood of the cobra which it inflates when irritated.
Pun with phaninda "prince of the hooded snakes".
2 In allusion to the widespread popular belief that snakes or parti-
cular snakes have a jewel in their head. Cf. for instance, Chakesadhatu-
vamsa, JPTS. 1885,; p. 1416.
3 I now prefer to read vUindmayam with the MSS. S 3 or., 6, or
vUin&miya with the Colombo edition.
4 Da the term samara cf. E. 0, FKANKB, D. trsl. p. 304 ff. In the
?Mahavaxoaa the word Is used in the same sense as tihiklchu.2
Buddhadasa
37.132
single stroke of the knife worms, samana and horse have been
cured: excellent of a truth are my activities as healer."
132 A man in drinking water swallowed the egg of a water
133 snake1; out of it there came a water snake. It sucked itself
fast2 in his inside. Tortured by the pain caused by this he
134 sought the King. The latter asked him as to the cause3. He
recognised that a reptile was within him, made him fast a
week and had him, after being bathed and rubbed with oil,
135 laid on a well prepared bed. Now as he lay there in deep
136 slumber with open mouth, he placed before his mouth a piece
of meat with a string attached. (Lured) by the smell the rep-
tile came out of him, bit fast at it and wanted to crawl in
137 (again). Thereupon the King held it fast by means of the
string, drew it out, threw it in a jug into water and spake
138 these words: "As is well known the physician of the Perfectly
Enlightened One was Jlvaka4. Can the world show a work of
139 his harder (than this)? Certainly he also would accomplish a
work like this ?? of that there can be no doubt ? if he
did it5 with the utmost care. Behold the consequences of my
good deeds!6"
1 deddubha. Cf. udakadeddubha, J. I. 3616, III. 1619. In J. VI. 19416
the Comrn. explains the word d. by udakasappa. In Sinh. also deduba
means a water snake. The closely allied skr. word dundubha is a kind
of lizard without feet living in the water (BOHTLINGK-ROTH, s, v.).
2 P. anto tudittha tundam, lit. "it stuck (or bored) its mouth in".
3 P. nidana is like skr. nidana a medical term: "the theory of the
causes of diseases and of their nature: Aetiology, Pathology" PTSPD.
s, v. Cf. Milp. 27213: roguppattim at niddnam ca.
4 For this famous physician, Jlvaka Komarabbacea, see namely-Vin.
I. 268 ff.
5 TURNOUR has misunderstood the passage. W. has got nearer to the
sense, but he has misinterpreted salbddarena Jcubbanto ("in all loving-
kindness"). The meaning is this: Buddhadasa has no intention of pla-
cing himself above Jlvaka, but his achievements are equal to the highest
of those of Jlvaka. The latter also had to use all his skill to achieve
such cures as Buddhadasa can boast of having accomplished.
6 P. imnnodaya, lit, "ascent of acquired merit", a technical expression
denoting the moment, in which the effects of former good deeds make
themselves felt. See 53. 28.37.148
Buddhadasa 13
In the same way in Helloligama he saved a Ca^cjala woman 140
the fruit of whose womb had taken a wrong position1, seven
times with the child. A bhikkliu was disturbed2 in his exer- 141
cises by the writhing disease3; as he had become (bent) like
a roof-tree4 the wise (King) freed him from his ailment. A 142
young man was drinking a little water in which were frog's
eggs. An egg penetrating by the nostril entered his skull. It 143
opened and was a frog; it grew and dwelt5 there. At the
approach of the rainy season the young man was greatly tor-
tured by it. The King split the skull, took out the frog, put 144
the parts of the skull together again and cured the young man
at once6. For the good of the inhabitants of the Island the 145
ruler had refuges for the sick set up in every village and placed
physicians in them. He made a summary of the essential con- 146
tent of all the medical text-books and charged one physician
with (the care of) twice five villages7 and gave the physicians 147
the produce of ten fields as livelihood. He also appointed phy-
sicians for elephants, horses and soldiers. For cripples8 and 148
1 One must join mulhagabWiinim jatam. On mudhagarljha cf. JOLLY,
Medizin (der Inder), p. 64 f. Satta varesu belongs to mulhaijabbhinim as
well as to sukhitam aka "cured, saved".
2 P. vutthdpito. The verb (v)utthd is the term for awaking from the
state of absorption in meditation (saniddhi). Thus Yin. I. 229, 812 etc.
D. II. 1565ff.; M. I. 3028-i° etc. Also the substantive (v)utthdna
M. L
2964 etc. Manifestly our passage means that the pain awakened the
bhikkhu out of his sleep of meditation.
3 P. vatab&dhena. See JOLLY loc. cit. p. 118 f. The disease consists in
contraction of the joints, cramp, paralysis etc,
4 P. gopcinasi a roof beam in gable form A- The expression
gopcinasivanka "bent like a #." is used of people bent by age.
5 P. tattha gacchati in the more general meaning "was there" (cf. skr.
tairagata), the present expressing the permanent condition.
6 Lit. made him (as he had been) originally.
7 I do not take saratthasamyaham as does TURNOUR, for the title of
a medical work. In this case the construction of the preceding genitive
sablesam vejj&satthanam would be quite unintelligible. Cf, also the
note to v. 171.
8 P. pltliasapplnam, who moved about with the help of a chair-like
frame. PTSPD. s. v.14 Buddhadaaa
37.149
for the blind lie built refuges in various places and refuges
149 with maintenance in the principal street1. He hearkened con-
stantly to the good doctrine, showing reverence to the preachers
of the doctrine2. He also fixed the salaries of the preachers
150 in different places. Of his great pity he had a pocket for his
knife3 made in the inside of his mantle and whereever he met
them he freed the afflicted from their pains.
151 Now one day the King royally adorned came forth with his
152 army like Vasava4 with the Gods. Now when a leper who in
a former existence had been his enemy, beheld the Ruler at
the very summit of his glory and good fortune5 shining in royal
153 splendour, he was filled with fury; he struck the earth with
his hand and smiting the ground again and again with his staff,
154 he reviled him with many abusive words. As the discerning
(King) witnessed this curious behaviour6 from afar, he thought:
155 "I cannot remember having done evil to any being; he is cer-
tainly my enemy from former times. I will appease this (his
1 Evidently for travellers: Vhoga means here "feeding". In TURNOUR'S
translation the double sdldyo is disregarded.
2 P. dhammabhandka (below in v. 173 the synonym dhammaghosaka).
The word dhamma means here the teaching of Buddha as formulated
in the sacred texts. Recitations from such texts (Suttas) by the bhikkhus
are even now frequent in Ceylon. They often last the whole night
through and pious laymen listen with intense devotion, although they
understand not a single word of the recital (Sinh. lana). P. TUXEN is
undoubtedly right in regarding this as "in the first place a kind of
spiritual adjustment", thus "a sort of Yoga", facilitated by the musical
effect of the recital, by the rhythm which is peculiar to the Pali texts.
The feeling for rhythm is as I have frequently noticed, extraordinarily
developed amongst the Sinhalese. P. TUXBN, Einige Bemerkungen uber
die Konstruktion der Paiitexte, Festschrift Hermann. Jacobi, p. 98 ff.
3 P. satthavattim. The word sattha is used here for the surgical
knife. So already above v. 119. .For the expression "cover" "receptacle"
for. vatti. cf. maricavatti = pepper pod.
* A name for the King of the Gods, Sakka or Indra.
5 Here we must either regard the m in strisobhagga-m-aggappattam
as neutralising the hiatus, or we must separate sirisobhaggain aggappattam
so that the first word is dependent as ace. on the second..
6 P. vippakar&m, lit. change, demeanour deviating from the normal.37. 170
Buddliaddsa
15
enmity)," and he said to a man who stood near: "Go and find 156
out the feelings of the leper yonder." He went. Like a good 157
friend he seated himself by the leper and asked him why he
was so angry. The leper told him everything: "This Buddhadasa 158
here was (once upon a time) my slave; for his meritorious deeds
he has become monarch. To slight me he rides past me there
on his elephant. He shall learn to know me in a few days!1 159
If he puts himself in my power (again), I shall make him par-
take of the full chastisement of slaves. If he does not fall into 160
my hands, I shall slay him and drink his throat's blood. Of
that there is no doubt. Thou shalt see it shortly.77 The man 161
went and related the matter to the prince. The discerning
(King) (now) felt certain that that (leper) was his enemy of
old. He thought: "It is meet to put an end by (some) means 162
(or other) to the enmity of a foe", and (thus) directed the man:
"win him in the right way." He went to the leper and spoke 163
to him like a good friend: "For a long time 1 have harboured
the thought of destroying the King; but as I found no aecom- 164
plices for his murder, I could not (carry it out). But now that
I have found thee, I can fulfil nay wish. Come to my house, 165
dwell with me and be my helper, in a few days I shall destroy
his life." After these words he took the leper to his house 166
and having had him bathed and oiled, clad with a choice gar-
ment, well fed with dainty food and served by youthful women, 167
he had him laid on a splendid, well-prepared bed. In the same 168
fashion he sheltered him for several days and when he saw
that he had grown trustful and that he was happy and con-
tented, he gave him food and drink with the words: uThis is 169
a gift from the King." Twice and thrice he refused it, then
begged (by the other) he took it. Gradually he learned to put 170
full trust in the Monarch and when he heard (later) that the
Monarch was dead his heart broke in twain.
1 Lit. "I will make him know myself". Erroneous by W, "I will
make Mm know himself*. The ace. attanatn can only be related re-
flectively to the subject contained in jandpessdmi. The gerund I'dretrd
in v. 159 belongs to Jiindpessami, the ger. maretvd In v, 160 to
picisstimi.
The sense is: if he voluntarily becomes again my slave (hatthain me,
vti?dyati) I shall chastise him as such, if he does It not, 1 will slay
him.16 Buddhadasa
37.171
171 Thus the King healed physical and spiritual disease and he
installed physicians in the island to provide for the cure (of
the sick) in the future1.
172 In the Mahavihara the King had the Moraparive^a2 built
which was beautified by a pasada five and twenty cubits3 high.
173 He made over to it the two villages of Samana(gama) and
Grolapanu(gama) and to the bhilddms who held forth on the
174 doctrine (he assigned) revenues and servants4. He built viharas
and parivenas which were fitted up with the four necessaries,
175 and (he built) tanks and alms-halls, and (erected) images. In
the reign of the same king the ascetic Mahadhammakathin5
176 translated the Suttas into the Sihala tongue. The King pos-
sessed eighty heroic, vigorously grown sons of winning mien
who bore the names of the eighty disciples (of the Buddha6).
1 The Col. ed. takes out the second half of this verse "and he in-
stalled" etc. which all MSS. known to me have in this place, and adds
it above to v. 146 (= v. 96 of the ed.) after "summary of the essential
content of the medical books". On grounds of method I cannot accept
this. Besides which the verse is quite appropriate laere. The compiler
summarizes what the king had done for the furtherance of medical lore
not only in his own day but also for the future.
2 P. Moraparivena or Mayuraparivena means "Peacock-P." The tra-
ditional name Mayura-Pirivena is applied even to-day to a very ruinous
building lying not far from the south-west corner of the present Maha-
vihara on the road leading to Kurunegala. H. C- P. BELL ASC., Ann.
Rep. 1894 (= SP. XXXIX, 1904), p. 5.
3 P. hatfha. As the hatfha according to FLEET, JEAS. 1906, p. 1011
was not smaller than 17. 75 inches (= 45.08cm.) and certainly not
larger than 18.25 inches (= 46. 35 cm.), the height of the pasada of the
Moraparivena must have been roughly 37 to 38 ft. (= II. 28 to 11. 58 m.)
4 P. bhoge "kappiyaltarake. By bhoga is meant the produce taxes of
certain lands. The kappiyakaraka (lit. who do what is meet) are pro-
bably no other than the iinlmika (note to 37, 63).
5 Without doubt the same as the one named as his contemporary
by the Chinese pilgrim. Fa-hian, Ta-mo-'kiu-ti (BEAL, Buddhist Records
of the Western World I, p. XXVI. As Fa-Man stayed in Ceylon about
411-12 we have here a valuable confirmation of Buddhadasa's time.
E. B. AYRTON, JEAS. 1911, p. 1142.
6 The asltisavaku are mentioned for instance in the Chakesadhatu-
vamsa, JPTS. 1885 p. 165; the a&timdkathera DhCo. I. 143, 1916. Cf.
below 85. 102,37. 182 Upatissa II.
17
Sorrounded by these (his) sons who were named Sariputta and 177
so forth, Buddhadasa shone like the Perfectly Enlightened One.
After he had thus wrought blessings for the dwellers in the 178
Island the Lord of men, Buddhadasa, went to the world of the
gods1 in the twenty-ninth year2 (of his reign).
Hereupon his eldest son Upatissa became king: endowed 179
with all royal virtues, ever leading a moral life, great in pity.
Shunning the ten sinful actions, he practised the ten merito- 180
rious works; the King fulfilled the ten royal duties and the
ten paramitas3. By the four heart-winning qualities4 he won 181
over the four regions of the world. In the Mahapali Hall5 he
had the remains of the royal table6 distributed. For cripples, 182
1 P. tidiva = sagga (Skr. tridica ? svarga) designation of tlie Ta-
vatimsa-heaven, the heaven of the 33 gods at the head of whom stands
Sakka (Indra),
2 The Pujavaliya gives Buddhadasa a reign of full 29 years, the
Rajavaliya one of eighty years!
3 The ten "meritorious works" (pitnnakiriya) are ddna "giving1 of
alms", slla "leading a moral life", Widvand "spiritual discipline", apaciti
"reverence", veyydvacca "diligence", pattianugpaddna "transference of
one's own merits to another", abbUanuwodand "gratitude", desand "in-
struction", savana "hearkening (to sermons)", ditthujukakamma "right
views" (see PTSPD. s. v. punna). ? On the dasa rdjadhammd see above
note to v. 107. ? The ten pdramitd ("perfections") which must be
attained by each future Buddha (bodhisatta) are ddna, slla, nekkhamma
"renunciation", pannd "knowledge", tririya "manliness", khanti "pa-
tience", sacca "uprightness", adhitthdna "will power", wetta "love",
upekkhd "serenity".
4 See above note to v. 108.
5 Most probably the building whose remains lie S. E. of the Maha-
thupa (Ruvanveli-Dagoba) close to the present post-office. That this
building served for the distribution of alms is proved by the stone canoe
44 ft. long (=' 13.4 m.) lying near. This was obviously a receptacle for
gifts of rice which were then portioned out. According to 42. 67 this
stone canoe was presented by King Aggabodhi II. The erection of. the
hall is ascribed, Mhvs. 20. 23, to Devanampiyatissa, 247-207 B. C. Cf. on
the building H. C. F. BELL ASC.f Ann. Rep. 1902 (= SP. LXVJI, 1907),
p. 1-3.
? The reading of the MSS. rdjdtwhhojanam' is certainly right. 'Cf.
C5la¥s, II, Index 2, List of Words, s. v. anubhojana.
? 218 Updtiasa II.
37. 183
women in travail, for ike blind and the sick he erected great
188 nursing shelters and alms-halls. In a northerly direction from
the Mangalacetiya he erected a thupa, an image house1 and
184 an image. In carrying this out he with the thought: my sub-
jects must not be estranged2 (from me) had (the work) done
185 by boys to whom he distributed sugar and rice. He had built
at various places Innumerable and meritorious works, (such
as) the Bajuppala (tank), the Gijjhakuta, Pokkharapasaya, Vala-
186 hassa and Ambutthi (tanks) and the tank of Gondigama, the
Khandaraja-vihara and (further) tanks always filled with water3.
187 (Once) when rain poured (into the house) he passed the night
nevertheless lying on his bed, thinking: it would be a trouble
188 to the people (if I were to call anyone). When the Minister
noticed this he took him into the garden and had the house
(meantime) covered in4. Thus never for his own sake did he
cause trouble to living beings.
189 In the time of this (King) the Island was vexed by the ills
of a famine and a plague. The benevolent (King) who was as
190 a light for the darkness of sin, asked the bhikkhus: "Did not
the great Sage (Buddha) when the world was visited by such
evils as famine and the like, provide some kind of help for
191 the world?'1 They pointed to the origin of the Qangarohana-
1 The patimageha is an essential part of every monastic establishment.
It is known by its having besides the main entrance on the east side,
an extra entrance from the north.
2 The ingenious correction Jcliijjcmtu "shall (not) be wearied" (instead
of bhijjantu) of the Colombo edition is tempting. Nevertheless I'feel
unable to accept it. It will be argued that If the work is weari-
some for adults it must be so in a far greater degree for boys. The
idea is rather this: the King will not make enemies of his subjects by
giving them tasks which keep them from more important work. Boys
have free time and consider such work when rewarded by sweetmeats,
as play.
3 The construction of vv. 185-6 is difficult, the translation, uncertain.
It is worth noting that in the Pujavaliya and the Rajavaliya the con-
struction of the Td*paveva, the lake of Polonnaruva, is ascribed to
Upatissa,
* Here too the construction is brief and obscure. But W, has grasped
the meaning properly.37.198 Upatissa II.
19
Sutta1 on such an occasion. When he heard this he made an
image wholly of gold of the departed Buddha2, laid the stone 192
alms bowl of the Master3 (filled) with water in the hollow of
its hands and placed this his figure on a great chariot. He 193
took upon himself the duties of a moral life and made the
people also take them. on themselves, he instituted a great
almsgiving and established security (of life) for all living crea-
tures. Then after he had adorned the town (so that it was) 194
comely as the world of the gods, he descended surrounded by
all the bhikkhus dwelling in the Island, to the principal street4. 195
Then the bhikkhus who had gathered there reciting the Ratana-
Sutta and pouring out water5, walked about the street, not far 196
from the royal palace, near the wall, round which they walked
with their right side towards it6 in the three watches of the
night. When morning dawned a great cloud poured rain on 197
the earth and all who had suffered from disease, held refreshed
high festival. But the Lord of men decreed: aWhen there 198
shall be on the Island an evil such as famine, plague or the
like, thus shall it be done."
1 Must be a name for the Ratana-Sutta mentioned In v. 195. On this
see above note to v. 80.
2 P. sambuddhadkatuno, lit: of the relic of the Perfectly Enlightened
One. As Buddha himself has entered Nirvana, an image of his outward
appearance as he was in life, can only be a "relic" of him. TUENOUE'S
translation: "for the tooth relic" is wrong.
3 The bowl relic (pattadhatu) was next to the sacred tooth the relic
most revered on the Island. See below 61. 61, 74. 100 ff. It was ori-
ginally kept in Pataliputta by King Asoka (Mhvs. .17. 20). The Samanera
Sumana, one of Mahinda's companions, brought it so Ceylon, and King
Devanampiyatissa deposited it in his palace (Mhvs. 20. 13).
* What is meant here is the sacred street which starting from the
city of Armradhapura in the N., runs southwards to the Mahavihara..
5 A fine example of popular rain magic .adopted by .the official
religion. For the filled water vessels and the pouring out of water in
Indian rain magic see OLDENBERG, die Religion Jes Yeda2,
p. 505.
Further analogies in L. von SCHRODER, Arische Religion II, p. 253 ff.
6 P. lairumdna padak'kMnam. The walking